A Cyborg Manifesto

Shifting gears to labor and economics, Haraway characterizes the 1980s as the “New Industrial Revolution.” Haraway describes how one sociological effect of this new economy is that men are beginning to suffer from unemployment, while women are not. Since production of electronics is ramping up, more women are employed in underdeveloped countries working on manufacturing these exports. 

In the United States, the electronics industry is influencing many women to move to Silicon Valley, where either they or their spouses work in technology. Living in Silicon Valley forces women to arrange their lives in such a way that they are likely separated from their extended family and taking care of their children single-handedly, as well as being subjected to social isolation and, in some cases, being completely financially dependent on their spouses.

Haraway uses the term “homework economy,” which she borrows from Richard Gordon, to indicate the feminization of work. In this case, feminization refers to being “extremely vulnerable […] exploited as a reserve labor force; seen less as workers than as servers […]” (38). In other words, within the homework economy, both men and women work jobs that reduce their value to the low standards that are usually reserved for women in all aspects of society—not just in the workforce. 

Most labor is now unskilled. The capabilities of new technologies are a contributing factor to the loss and deskilling of jobs, though it is not the main cause. The fact that men are losing their jobs negatively affects women, too, in that many women rely on their male spouse’s income to support them and their families. Haraway notes that this is relevant only to white people who were privileged enough to have had a good source of income in the first place. 

The homework economy is an important concept because it illustrates the importance of recognizing differences among women as well as differences between men and women. This new economic arrangement also puts pressure on women to sustain the welfare not only of themselves and their children, but of everyone in society. In a typical traditional nuclear family, women manage the daily lives of themselves and their children while their husbands contribute to the economy. In a society where women work while also continuing to manage their households, their burden doubles.

This type of economy also leads to what Haraway calls the “feminization of poverty” (39). More responsibility is expected of women while jobs are unstable, and families can no longer rely on a male income. The issue is even more urgent for particular subsets of women. Black women tend to hold particularly low-paying jobs. In underdeveloped countries, teenage girls are often the only members of their families doing lucrative work. Black women and women in underdeveloped countries have always had to deal with issues arising from the men in their families being unemployed or underemployed. Haraway writes that white women will increasingly face the same issues, making “cross-gender and race alliances […] necessary” (42).

Though Haraway doesn’t refer to it as such, her view of feminism is intersectional, reflecting the theme of Feminism as an Intersectional Alliance. This means that her analysis focuses on how different ways of classifying identities (age, race, class, gender, etc) can overlap and lead to unique forms of discrimination. The description of Black women’s economic situation in this section of the essay is a perfect example of intersectionality. 

The time that Haraway wrote A Cyborg Manifesto lies between two periods defined by second- and third-wave feminism, respectively. Second-wave feminism focused on issues such as gender in the workplace and public sphere in general, domestic abuse, and reproductive rights. Third-wave feminism was defined by issues of diversity, individualism, and intersectionality. Haraway writes from a perspective that is clearly third wave, even though third-wave feminism didn’t become widespread until the early 1990s. Thus, her ideas contributed to the cultural shift between the two movements. Intersectionality has remained one of the most vital issues discussed in feminist theory, even in fourth-wave feminism.

Haraway argues that new technology, as it is used by the military and corporations, is contributing to the merging of public and private life. An example she gives is that video games are an important part of modern private life for many people. Most video games are “heavily oriented to individual competition and extraterrestrial warfare” (43), and they tend to feature men—their intended consumers. Haraway implies here that governments and corporations use video games to push certain agendas (e.g., pro-military and pro-patriarchy) to consumers. This argument exemplifies how socialism can play into feminism in various ways. 

Another example Haraway gives of this merging is the development of the ultrasound. Using ultrasound imaging for pregnancy became widespread for the first time in the mid-1980s. Haraway writes, “women’s bodies have boundaries newly permeable to both ‘visualization’ and ‘intervention’” (43). Using the word “boundaries” here implies that Haraway views this type of imaging as invasive—a tool that has the potential to be used for unwanted surveillance. She compares the ultrasound to the speculum, a tool used to inspect women’s internal reproductive organs. Historically, speculums were used by men (inaccurately, non-scientifically, and non-consensually) to check for a woman’s history of sexual activity. In the 1970s, there was a movement to “reclaim” the speculum so that women can understand and control their own bodies.

Haraway wraps up this chapter by explaining that the dangers of advancing technology and science include a homework economy where people are disproportionately (based on gender and race) forced into financially unstable situations, and those in power will use technology for surveillance and to oppress and control others. Despite this possibility, she has hope for a society that is both science-based and socially progressive. Many people working in Silicon Valley are more interested in progressive politics than creating a militaristic society, she suggests. Haraway thus proposes the development of a “feminist science/technology politics” (45) with the help of anti-military scientists.