Ain't I A Woman: Black Women and Feminism

While Chapter 3 centered on Black male patriarchy and the ways in which Black men prioritized their participation in dominator culture over the liberation of Black women, Chapter 4 focuses on the racism of white women and white women’s movements, stating that “[t]he first white women’s rights advocates were never seeking social equality for all women; they were seeking social equality for white women” (124). hooks explains that The Intersectionality of Racism and Sexism uniquely targets Black women within a patriarchal system. From her perspective, Black men do not accept or acknowledge Black women’s identities because socialization has taught them that Black women are either domineering or sexually promiscuous. Likewise, white women see only themselves as women, so they cannot imagine a women’s movement that champions the stories and needs of others.

Black female activists drew attention to issues that were not a prevalent concern for white feminists. For example, during Reconstruction, many Black women became liberated and, with no other viable sources of income, entered sex work. Black female activists pushed for support for these women, but white women failed to understand how both racism and sexism had created a complex system of sexual exploitation. Instead, they bought into the same stereotype perpetuated by white male hegemony and absorbed by Black men: “While white women’s organizations could concentrate their attentions on general reform measures, black women had to launch a campaign to defend their virtue” (165). These white women believed that the struggles Black women faced were directly correlated to innate immorality; this dangerous and pervasive stereotype still gives white supremacy and sexism license to oppress Black women. hooks highlights this as The Impact of Patriarchal Culture—Black women are forced to restructure how others perceive them rather than placing pressure on everyone else to examine their biases. hooks asserts that the irony of white women’s exclusivity within their liberation movements is that this form of apartheid strengthened anti-woman rhetoric and biases more broadly. For example, in the following chapter, she discusses how white women tended to vote as their husbands or fathers did, and in many instances, their ability to vote doubled support for racist and sexist legislation.

Although hooks makes a point to identify the factors contributing to the disenfranchisement of Black women with white women’s liberation movements, she also suggests that separate feminist movements scattered efforts. After white women obtained the right to vote, their movement waned for decades, failing to grasp the scope of how patriarchy impacts all women’s lives, regardless of class, race, or gender. Black women, on the other hand, became so concentrated on racial equality that they ignored the subjugation they experienced at home with Black male partners. The intersectionality of racism and sexism left Black women out of two major movements: “women” was a term used to describe only white women, and “Black” was used to describe only Black men. This contributed to The Devaluation of Black Womanhood.

Hooks brings this argument into a more contemporary context by examining Black male patriarchs within the civil rights movement. She highlights how major political figures in the civil rights and Black Power movements were Black men who expected submission and docility from Black women. The reason for the dehumanization of Black women by Black men is twofold: (1) liberation was viewed within the context of participating in imperialist patriarchy, the dominant culture of the time, and (2) both Black men and women upheld the belief that the liberation and elevation of Black men would subsequently liberate Black women. However, by participating in an imperialist patriarchy, Black men perpetuated racist and sexist stereotypes and allowed white supremacy to help shape their identities. The prioritization of Black men’s needs and liberation over Black women’s is further evidence of how patriarchal values render Black women invisible.

Because white women in the women’s liberation movement were mostly upper class, they were not personally affected by the unique challenges of poverty and racial discrimination, and therefore they did not take up those causes in solidarity. In particular, hooks discusses how devalued domestic labor, performed by Black women, freed up white feminists to organize and fight for liberation. While this movement’s gains were monumental—such as guaranteeing greater reproductive freedom, legalizing no-fault divorce, and creating greater financial and vocational freedom for women—many issues particular to Black women and other marginalized groups were left unaddressed. For example, reproductive rights advocates often focused on the right to abortion but ignored issues like involuntary sterilization, which targeted women of color. hooks argues that an intersectional lens would address these issues and create greater equality for all women.