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In breaking free of Anglocentrism, Taylor draws the Indians out from the “wilderness” of history as central protagonists in his narrative. In doing so, the full scale of Indian loss becomes clear. The colonies’ success, Taylor argues, was underpinned by what historian John Murrin called “a tragedy of such huge proportions that no one’s imagination can easily encompass it all” (xi). For the Indians, this tragedy can be distilled to three major themes: the decimation of native numbers and culture; European unwillingness to understand or accommodate native ways; and the Indians’ own inability to unite in resistance.
In devoting a full chapter to the history of the Indians before the Europeans arrived, Taylor debunks the myth of pre-colonial America as “virgin” land. North America was in fact widely populated by a diverse array of Indian groups, some of whom were wiped out by European microbes before the Europeans even encountered them. In addition to bringing disease, the Europeans also massacred Indians on a scale that surprised their native allies, who did not conduct “total war” as the Europeans did. Taylor spares no detail in describing the many atrocities the Indians suffered.
Those who survived disease and conflict saw titanic changes to their culture. Survivors were forced to merge with refugees from other groups, a process called ethnogenesis. The colonists’ steady victories discredited tribal shamans, convincing many Indians that their gods forsook them. This drove them to a Christian faith that Europeans rendered incompatible with native ways of life. Thus Indians suffered not only the physical shock of losing their homes, but the psychic shock of losing faith in their chieftains, their religious leaders, and their gods.
The loss of Indian culture was exacerbated by European inability or unwillingness to understand native customs. The Indians had deep, generational knowledge of how to succeed in the Americas. They had developed agricultural techniques that prioritized efficiency and worked in better harmony with the environment. Lacking the concept of capitalism, many Indian societies were also more egalitarian than European civilizations. But as they did not prioritize the same values as Europeans—commercialism, individualism, hard labor—they were branded as lazy and childlike. Some Europeans recognized the benefits of the Indian lifestyle, but they ultimately never questioned the superiority of their way of life. The few defectors were brutally punished. As colonial numbers increased, the Indians were trapped in an unfamiliar system that the rule makers altered at will. Taylor often uses primary source material to allow the Indians to voice their frustration. He quotes one Virginian Algonquian who said, “We Can fly no farther. Let us know where to live & how to be secured for the future” (135).
Finally, Indians were weakened by their inability to unite in a pan-Indian alliance against the Europeans. Taylor attributes this to two factors. Many groups did not initially perceive the Europeans as a threat. Once they did, it was often too late: they were dependent on European trade or were otherwise outnumbered. After the colonists established themselves and solidified native dependence on trade goods, different Indian groups had different priorities to survive, which prevented them from uniting. Some acted as vital military allies for the Europeans. Some even came to rely on Europeans as intermediaries for conflicts that European displacement had created. By and large, the European strategy to turn Indians against each other succeeded.
But the tragic results of colonization—the deaths of thousands of people and their unique cultures—should not imply that the Indians were passive victims. Taylor underlines that the Indian ability to adapt, resist, and occasionally even flourish under colonial rule forced their colonizers to change as well. Both affected the other in a complex web of mutual dependency, “binding Europeans and Indians together in an uneasy embrace” (92).
The myth of American exceptionalism argues that the colonies uplifted everyone. Popular culture paints this early period as offering a land of opportunity. But a core thesis of American Colonies is this: whatever liberty may have existed in the colonies existed on a spectrum. While the Americas offered better opportunities than what many Europeans would have had in their countries, those opportunities were rare and fleeting. There were some pockets of egalitarian society, such as in French America, but they were few and far between. Overall, in the colonies as in many periods in history, there were far more losers than winners, and the winners only prospered at the expense of others.
Indentured servitude was a widespread practice in the colonies; most utilized it at some point in their history. Poor white men and occasionally women mortgaged their labor to work in slave-like conditions for wealthy masters. Like African and Indian slaves, they could be separated from their families, abused, and generally housed in squalid conditions (142-44). Perhaps worst of all, the farms they were promised at the start of their tenure were not always theirs to keep. From the West Indies to Virginia, land consolidation by wealthy planters saw smaller farms swallowed up by mega-plantations. Former servants were forced to move to other colonies or into the dangerous frontier. After profiting from their labor, the wealthy class benefited explicitly at the loss of the lower class.
Women also were rarely winners in the American colonies. While they saw pockets of quasi-equality to men, such opportunities rarely lasted. In New Netherland, for example, Dutch women could make contracts, run businesses, and own property. They quickly lost those privileges when English took the colony (256; 260). Similarly, during the revivals some women refused to “shut up [their] mouths and doors and creep into obscurity” and became preachers (350-51). But they faded with the movement at the end of the 18th century (362). Native women also suffered. Some European men, notably French Canada’s coureurs de bois, married Indians as part of their efforts to adapt to their culture and gain access to their kinship network (378). More commonly others, like the Carolinians, married and disposed of their Indian wives quickly (228-29). Countless other native and slave women suffered systemic rape and abuse. As Taylor notes, “Raping a slave was not a crime, but marrying her was” (156).
Slavery was the ultimate example of exploitation in the colonies. When changing cultural norms and the backbreaking nature of the labor rendered white servants unwilling to work—and Indian slaves proved too susceptible to European-borne diseases to be reliable—Europeans turned to African slaves. By the 18th century slaves represented a majority in several colonial populations. While most worked as field hands, many also were domestic servants. Almost all were subject to a draconian slave code developed in the West Indies. Slavery became the primary factor in the colonies’ explosive economic success, spreading deep roots in American social and political life. While the Americas came to promise many positive things—liberty, religious tolerance, individual success—Taylor underlines that these opportunities were limited to a lucky few.
Christianity had long been dominant religion in Europe, but in the 1500s Christians felt increasingly hemmed in by the dominance of the Muslim world, which prevented them from expanding east. Instead Europeans looked west, bringing their various Christian beliefs to the Americas with them. At a time when atheism was basically unknown and Judaism still heavily persecuted, Christianity (particularly Protestantism) acted as a powerful force of change in the colonies.
European colonizers of all nationalities used their Christian faith to justify appropriation of land in the Americas. The anthropocentrism of Christianity gave Christians not only a right but a God-given duty to dominate nature. For many, this meant literally reshaping the land to suit their needs. The Indians also fundamentally molded their landscape—from mixed-crop farming to sustainable hunting and fishing to controlled forest fires—but their methods were not visible or recognizable to Europeans. As a result, Indians were deemed lazy and therefore unworthy to own the land. While the rare Christian group, such as Pennsylvania’s Quakers, did pay the Indians for their land, others simply appointed themselves as the land distributors for everyone, often using highly religious language. As one Puritan assembly cynically ruled, “Voted that the earth is the Lord’s and the fulness thereof; voted, that the earth is given to the Saints; voted, we are the Saints” (192).
Also destructive to the Indian way of life was Christianity’s mandate to evangelize. Unlike the natives, who had little interest in forcing others to subscribe to their spiritual beliefs, many European colonists came as dedicated missionaries. Some Indians resisted; in French Canada, the Indians had enough leverage to refuse conversion by the Jesuits. But in other areas, particularly those where disenfranchisement resulted in a loss of autonomy, many Indians had little choice but to convert. Such arrangements were rarely beneficial for Indians in the short or long term. For example, the Puritans set up “praying towns,” where natives were forced to Anglicize their appearance and work long, hard hours. The inhabitants of these towns were the first to be killed by colonists in the next Indian war (200).
The most zealous missionaries were the Catholic Spanish, who treated Indians with a mix of cruelty and paternalism. Spanish missions offered a way of life that was seldom comparable to the life Indians had enjoyed before. “Why,” one priest observed, “you make me think that is one were to give you a young bull, a sheep, a fanega of grain every day, you would still be yearning for your mountains and your beaches.” An Indian convert simply replied, “What you say is true, Father. It’s the truth” (461).
But as negative a force as Christianity proved to the native peoples of the Americas, it was a powerful unifier for the Europeans. The Americas saw a diverse array of Christian denominations settle in the colonies. Although denominational differences occasionally put them in conflict with each other, more often a shared Protestant faith united Europeans against those they considered “others”: the Indians and the Catholics. Christian faith became even more unifying in the 18th century, when the revival movement posited that all Christians are equal before God. This mobilized exactly the sort of “pan-Christian” sentiment the Indians could never muster. The ideals of this brand of Christianity would later become the founding ideas of the United States as a whole: equality, freedom, and hope for the downtrodden. Like many elements in the Americas, Christianity was a powerful force for both good and ill.



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