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George Washington and the Continental Army spent the winter of 1777-1778 camped at Valley Forge. Washington had lost several battles to General Howe earlier in the war, and Howe and his troops were now waiting out the winter in Philadelphia. The Continental Army spread out in a semicircle to the northwest of the city, in some of the most fertile farmland in all the colonies.
Nevertheless, that winter they nearly starved. Farmers in the countryside preferred to sell their crops to the British, who paid in valuable British pounds, rather than to the Americans, who paid in worthless certificates. In addition, the quartermaster department of the Continental Army virtually collapsed when a new appointee failed miserably, leaving soldiers without necessary provisions. Washington appointed the very capable Nathanael Greene to the position, but turning things around took time—the hard winter left the Americans largely without.
More challenging than the supply problems was the length of the war, then nearing its third year. Everyone had expected a quick victory, and the colonists’ patience wore thin as the fighting ground on. In a protracted war, the British had the upper hand with a far greater war chest, for, as Greene put it, “money is the sinews of war” (66). Washington recognized that the much-vaunted patriotism of the American soldiers was not enough. To a visiting delegation from the Continental Congress, he recommended two essential things to create a more professional fighting force: a de facto draft for all the colonies and a lifetime pension for soldiers who signed up for the duration of the war.
On top of these ongoing problems, the officer corps engaged in petty arguments and spats. They were obsessed with rank and with evaluating which deeds warranted a higher or lower position, and their quarrels often required intervention to prevent duels. This may have stemmed from their position resting on merit rather than birth. As Ellis notes, “In the British army, one was an officer because one was an aristocrat. In the Continental Army, one was an aristocrat because one was an officer” (70).
By old-fashioned rules of warfare, both armies waited out the winter months without fighting. The American troops trained under the German officer Baron von Steuben, learning necessary skills like troop formation. Washington sent Greene and a contingent out into the countryside on “foraging” trips—forcing people to sell them crops and livestock. This did little to alleviate their lack of food, as the British had largely beaten them to the punch with foraging trips of their own, but it did show them the extent of people’s suffering.
As winter wore on, Washington began making plans for the spring, trying to guess what Howe’s move might be. The three options were: attacking Philadelphia, attacking New York, or taking a defensive stance. With input from his officers mixed, Washington did nothing, in effect choosing the defensive posture. In the meantime, the French had joined the Americans as allies. In a shifting strategy, the British government recalled Howe and replaced him with General Henry Clinton, whose orders were to hole up in New York and avoid engaging the rebels in land battles. Washington’s defensive strategy would thus be in place for a long time, with the more important battle being one for the hearts and minds of the people.
To Ellis, the winter at Valley Forge is not that of the common myth of Washington in the American Gethsemane, praying for deliverance, but it is no less seminal. He writes that “[t]he very character of the War for Independence changed at this moment from a clash between armies to a competition for control of the countryside. It moved from a war the Americans could not win to a struggle they were unlikely to lose” (60-61).
Washington’s military strategy instincts were still to stand and fight in formation, the way armies were accustomed to doing at the time. However, the British would always have the upper hand in this method, as Greene pointed out in his comment about money being the sinews of war. The boost that supposedly came from patriotic troops perhaps worked in short spurts, but not for the long haul. Washington’s recommendation to institute a draft and create a standing army “violated the very principles the American Revolution purportedly embodied,” yet he saw them as necessary (67). He was beginning to see the need for establishing a nation-state.
This idea only grew stronger from his dealings with civilian authorities. In the summer of 1776, the states had taken back the central authority that the Continental Congress had held (in reality if not in law). Writing to the individual states about his needs for men and materiel, impress upon Washington the inefficiency of waging war by committee. He and his officer corps took this lesson with them. It is no coincidence that Washington, Alexander Hamilton, Henry Knox, and John Marshall became Federalists, committed to a strong central government.
Washington learned another crucial lesson for winning the war as the winter at Valley Forge ended. With his officer corps divided on what action to take next, the Continental Army maintained a stretched-out, defensive posture by default. As time went on, Washington saw that this stood the best chance of defeating the British. The sheer size of the colonies’ territory made it virtually impossible to occupy, and Washington concluded that space and time were on his side.



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