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This final chapter deals with the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, which had profound ramifications for the future of the US—both good and bad. When Jefferson came to power in 1801, he envisioned the western part of the continent as the future. The only European power there was Spain, an empire in decline, weak enough that Jefferson assumed it was only a matter of time before the US took over its territory.
This all changed in the first month of Jefferson’s presidency, when American diplomats in Europe caught wind of a rumor that Spain had ceded much of its territory in North America to France. If true, this meant that the strongest, not the weakest, European power sat at America’s doorstep. Jefferson’s minister to France, Robert Livingston, set out to confirm the truth of the rumor. He discovered that a force of 25,000 troops would soon sail to the French colony of Santo Domingo (now Haiti) to put down a rebellion that had broken out the previous decade. They would then fortify New Orleans and the western bank of the Mississippi against the Americans. Jefferson did not panic, predicting that the French would never get out of Santo Domingo.
Shortly afterward, a Spanish official in New Orleans closed the port to American shipping. Many in the US government wanted to prepare for war, but Jefferson patiently bided his time, wanting to forge a diplomatic solution to both situations. He hoped that some higher-up in Spain would reverse the closing, but did send a special envoy, James Monroe, to assist Livingston in France. Livingston made no headway, however, as French minister Talleyrand refused to acknowledge the plan for an invasion force.
Yet such a force set out for Santo Domingo not long after, led by Napoleon’s brother-in-law, Charles Leclerc. They deceived the rebel leader Toussaint L’Ouverture into allowing them to land, only to capture L’Ouverture soon after. Then the plans went awry. Learning that the French planned to re-enslave them, the Santo Domingans successfully defended their island. Between fighting and disease, the French were defeated, and Leclerc died of yellow fever. Jefferson had been right: they never made it to New Orleans.
At this point, Napoleon decided to sell the Louisiana Territory to the Americans, focusing instead on the looming battle with Britain. Monroe had not yet reached Paris, so Livingston agreed to a price of $15 million in early May 1803, a good deal for both sides: “Napoleon got more than he expected and the Americans got an unexpected empire” (221-22). Jefferson, uneasy about his use of executive power in completing the deal, wanted the approval of Congress as the representatives of the people. He drew up a constitutional amendment, only to abandon it when word came that Napoleon was having second thoughts. The Senate easily approved the treaty, and the United States nearly doubled its size overnight.
This acquisition brought up numerous political questions, including the administration of the land. The purchase made the US an empire, in opposition to the spirit of its own founding and republican nature. Congress passed a resolution assigning to the president all responsibility for territory policy. Jefferson wrote its governing constitution, which was anything but republican. He saw it as a vast Indian reservation, and wanted to remove various tribes east of the Mississippi there, selling their lands to pay for the purchase.
Another issue was what role slavery would play in the new territory, as well as who would control this—federal or state governments. Ellis argues that this was the last chance for a gradual emancipation of slaves, yet Jefferson did not even consider the idea. In his mind, blacks and whites could not coexist peacefully, and freed slaves would have to be removed to either the Caribbean or Africa. Otherwise, he feared, talk of emancipation would lead to war and, quite possibly, the destruction of the United States.
Summing up his points, Ellis states that the founding of America lasted just over a quarter century from 1775 to 1803, and set up an evolutionary revolution that continues to this day. He argues that the revolution was not about “democracy” versus “aristocracy,” despite this popular founding myth, since none of the founders advocated democracy. Instead, the key question was whether the newly liberated colonies should become a nation-state. The main debate, then, was whether federal government or state governments would control domestic policy.
According to Ellis, the vastness of the land played a large role in the founding through three events. During the revolution itself, Washington elected not to engage the British army in a traditional manner. During the drafting of the US Constitution, Madison argued that a large area actually made for a more secure republic than a small one. Finally, after the acquisition of the Louisiana Territory, Jefferson relied on the size of the territory to dissuade Napoleon from attempting to control it.
Ellis concludes that “perhaps the most creative act of the founding era was to make time as well as space an indispensable ally” (243). The political framework was set up to allow discussion and argument to continue over the years, adapting to new circumstances as necessary.
Ellis describes the Louisiana Purchase as two-sided: “there is a tragic as well as triumphal version of the story. As one version moved gloriously and inexorably toward the Pacific, the other moved ominously and just as inexorably toward the Civil War, whose immediate cause was the debate over slavery in the territory Jefferson had done so much to acquire” (210).
On the triumphant side, the Louisiana Territory represented an opportunity to expand and rejuvenate American democracy. Jefferson thought that the west could act to renew the revolutionary spirit if it ever flagged, creating a “newer version of America” (228). This, Ellis reminds readers, would later surface as part of Fredrick Jackson Turner’s “Frontier Theory,” which claimed that the west created a unique American identity and version of democracy.
The purchase also demonstrated the flexibility and strength of the young Constitution. Jefferson fretted over his use of executive power in acquiring and setting policy for the territory. In fact, his actions were analogous to what he formerly railed against when the Federalists were in power, “suggesting that how one interpreted the Constitution was less a matter of principle than a function of one’s location in or out of power” (227). However, Ellis writes that “[o]ne of the beauties of the inherently ambiguous definition of executive power in the Constitution was that it could expand or contract like an accordion, making the music required in different historical contexts” (225).
On the tragic side of the purchase lie issues surrounding Native Americans and slavery. The acquisition of the western lands spelled the end of Native Americans east of the Mississippi, locking in place their eventual removal. At the same time, the purchase was the “last realistic opportunity” for gradual slave emancipation. Ellis concludes that although it would have been possible, Jefferson was loath to even raise the issue because he thought it would lead inevitably toward civil war. In a way, he was right: The new land from the Louisiana Purchase would become the flash point for slavery after the Missouri Compromise in 1820, hastening the likelihood of war. As Ellis writes, “The triumphal and the tragic versions of the Louisiana Purchase were, therefore, joined at the hip from the very start. Or perhaps it is more accurate to say that they were linked together seamlessly in the depths and shallows of Jefferson’s famously elusive mind” (233).



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