Beyond Magenta: Transgender and Nonbinary Teens Speak Out

Susan Kuklin

45 pages 1-hour read

Susan Kuklin

Beyond Magenta: Transgender and Nonbinary Teens Speak Out

Nonfiction | Biography | YA | Published in 2014

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Part 1, Chapters 3-4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “Spectrum”

Part 1, Chapter 3 Summary: “Mariah: The Real Deal”

Mariah is a 19-year-old transgender woman. She asked not to have her picture included in the book because she experiences body image issues. Mariah’s mother died when Mariah was young, and her father is not in her life. As a child, Mariah lived in a rough neighborhood with her mother and grandmother. After Child Protective Services (CPS) removed from her grandmother’s care, Mariah entered placement homes, which is where she feels she was raised.


Mariah, who was AMAB, wore feminine clothes as a child. At this age, she “didn’t know the difference between a boy and a girl” (98), so she had no reason to question her gender identity: “You may hear transgender people say that when they were little, they felt different; they were born a boy but felt like a girl. When I was little, I believed I actually was a girl” (98). However, the social repercussions for her manner of dressing were severe. Neighbors and strangers yelled at her mother and grandmother for letting Mariah wear dresses. Her special education teacher harassed her, and Mariah was eventually reported to social services.


At home, Mariah yelled and eventually started issuing threats to get what she wanted. A doctor diagnosed her with ADD and prescribed Ritalin. When asked about her home life at this time, Mariah reports, “My mother had nothing to do with me […] She was living in the house, but she’d go in and out. She didn’t pay attention to me” (103). She recalls her mother attacking her, throwing beer bottles at her head. When Mariah was around seven, she started going to a new school, but the adults in her predominantly Black community were particularly intolerant of her appearance: “In my low-income community, people had no education and no jobs. They were grown-ups acting like children. The adults, not the children, made fun of me when I wore my wigs” (105).


Mariah frequently had sexual experiences with other children: “From six up, I used to kiss other guys in my neighborhood, make out with them, and perform oral sex on them. I liked it. I used to love oral […] I was making out with girls too” (105). However, she thought of herself as an adult and spent most of her time with adults. The Department of Social Services (DSS), concerned in part about an eight-year-old socializing with adults, placed Mariah in a series of foster homes, followed by a residential treatment center called ANDRUS. Mariah recalls her constant moving as a traumatizing experience. However, ANDRUS proved pleasant enough. At ANDRUS, Mariah was not allowed to wear feminine clothes, and for a time, she “actually accepted being a boy” (106). Reflecting now, though, she grasps that even then she “always had these urges” (107) that reflected her true gender identity: “Did my body, my soul, know what I was supposed to be?” (107). While at ANDRUS, she developed a close relationship with her roommate, Michael, who was eventually discharged before her. Around that time, she learned that her mother died.


Although Mariah got in trouble for expressing gender-nonconforming ideas at ANDRUS, she missed the institution terribly when she was returned to her grandmother at age 11. At school, she became the target of bullying. Mariah got into an altercation at school wherein she pushed her pregnant teacher to the ground and threatened to blow up the school. Because of this, she was diagnosed as a “bipolar, clinical psychopath with narcissistic tendencies” (111); her DSS file also wrongly reported that she had set the school on fire. She was placed in Nassau University Medical Center, where she was heavily medicated. At the age of 12, she was moved to Sagamore State Hospital, followed by a series of placement centers. Mariah was also in and out of juvenile detention.


When Mariah hit puberty, she began to resemble a woman more than a man, something she attributes to her many medications. Her voice grew higher pitched, and she developed breasts. Simultaneously, her male characteristics did not develop; she notes being bothered by her penis not growing larger. She also gained weight. In response, she tried to become more masculine. She joined football and track. She started smoking at the age of 13 in the hopes that it would deepen her voice. While at St. Mary’s Children’s Center (later named MercyFirst), weakened by the effects of her medications, Mariah was sexually abused by a fellow patient who coerced her on multiple occasions into performing oral sex on him; the staff covered up the incident, eventually pressuring her into agreeing that it was consensual. It was not.


Once Mariah turned 14, despite the institution requiring her to present as male, her peers unanimously regarded her as female. She felt happy at this point in her life, and her crush on an older boy, followed by hearing Mariah Carey’s music, helped her realize she was bisexual. At age 15, Mariah stopped taking her medications and got into a fight that landed her back at St. Mary’s.


Around this time, Mariah learned the term “trans.” Initially, she was frustrated that her experience was not as entirely unique as she had assumed. At a new placement center, this time in Pennsylvania, she began working with a good therapist, but she continued to struggle: “As I learned more, it made me feel sad, like I had a disorder. Transsexual. […] It was like I’m not born who I am; I have to transition to be who I am” (117). Just as she started to make strides, at age 16, Mariah then began going through male puberty, which distressed her: “When I wanted to be a man, I looked like a woman. Now, when I want to be a woman, I’m turning into a man” (118).


Mariah has now been on hormones for seven months. She wears masculine clothes, as she lives in a “not too accepting” neighborhood; most people think she’s a lesbian. She says she’s taking her transition “step by step” (119).

Part 1, Chapter 4 Summary: “Cameron: Variables”

Cameron is a 16-year-old pansexual nonbinary student attending “gay prom” in Westchester County. They use they/them pronouns and refer to their prom attire as “gender fuck.” Cameron’s chapter features a series of photos of them posing in different outfits, most of them gender neutral and masculine—though some include feminine clothes like scoop neck shirts and maxi skirts.


Cameron’s family are Unitarian Universalists. Their mother is a social worker, and their father is a firefighter; Cameron also has a younger brother by one year. Cameron is proud of the civic work that their parents do. They aspire to become a doctor to help others too.


Cameron was AFAB, “girly” and “nerdy” during their elementary school years. At 13, Cameron came out as a lesbian, which their parents casually accepted. Cameron then went through a “girly phase” in high school, followed by a “tomboy phase”—which then led to them choosing the name Cameron “when tomboy-me became ‘boy-me’” (140). Before identifying as nonbinary, Cameron initially came out as a transgender boy. They educated their parents on their experiences, and their parents supported them. Cameron’s younger brother is less supportive. He is uncomfortable discussing trans topics and refers to Cameron with feminine pronouns when he’s angry with them.


With the exception of two teachers who ignore Cameron’s preferred name and pronouns, the majority of students and faculty at Ossining High School are accepting. Cameron has a strong support system and faces almost no harassment. They cite their progressive Westchester community and proximity to New York City and New Haven as factors in their positive coming-out experience.


At the time of writing, Cameron has been on testosterone for about a year; they experience fluctuations in their energy, mood, and sex drive. They noticed that being perceived as male entitles them to male privilege—with people treating them as though their opinions have more weight than they did before. Cameron ends on an optimistic note: “Life goal: be part of the revolution!” (150). They want to help others and look forward to the future.

Part 1, Chapters 3-4 Analysis

The Diversity of the Transgender Experience is evident in these two chapters. One’s culture, disability status, economic status, race, and immediate environment (among other factors) can all affect the way that a trans person grows into their identity. The differences between Mariah’s and Cameron’s stories exemplify the role of such factors. Both interviewees are bisexual transgender teenagers from New York—but despite this one element of shared identity, their stories bear little resemblance to each other. While Cameron hails from a supportive and stable family in a progressive county, Mariah was born into abuse and dysfunction in a poor, unsafe neighborhood. While Cameron is AFAB, nonbinary, and white, Mariah is an AMAB binary trans woman of color. Cameron is excited to pose for their photo essay. Mariah declines one.


Self-Discovery as a Journey, a theme present throughout these two interviews as well, sheds further light on how various aspects of identity can play into one’s process of self-exploration. Cameron describes their exploration in liberating terms, supported by most of their community and parents: “In the seventh and eighth grades, I went through a bunch of phases trying to figure out where I fit in” (139). They describe an “ultra-fem phase,” followed by a “tomboy phase.” Mariah, who grew up dressing as a girl, reports feeling relief on being taken into a state institution even though she was required to present as a boy: “I realized how weird my life was: wearing girl clothes, feeling I was a girl, thinking I was a girl. ANDRUS brought normalcy” (109). These two narratives, placed side by side, help illustrate how important stability and community support are to healthy questioning and growth.


Although the two stories are vastly different, neither interviewee speaks of an adolescence or transition that is wholly positive or negative. Even Cameron, with their network of support, struggles with cissexism from their brother and two teachers at school. Mariah, despite facing abuse in her home life, found companionship and comfort during her stay at ANDRUS. Like their fellow interviewees, Mariah and Cameron both report the “in-between-ness” of gender identity and personal experience. In navigating the journey of defining who they are, The Harm of Social Rejection for Mariah is severe—she faced harassment from adults throughout her various communities, even from educators, for presenting as a woman. In comparison, Cameron’s story helps indicate the power of acceptance. Their parents did not immediately understand their situation. As Cameron put it, “Anything about me had to be communicated by me” (143). This process took time, patience, and compassion on both sides. Cameron’s confidence and happiness, though, indicate the power of exercising that energy: “I think the lack of crap I’ve gotten about being trans and queer and all that has enabled me to be stronger” (146).

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