64 pages 2-hour read

By Night in Chile

Fiction | Novella | Adult | Published in 2000

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Pages 73-96Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Content Warning: This section contains discussion of death and suicide.

Pages 73-78 Summary

Urrutia returns to find Chile embroiled in political turmoil. He resolves that it is time to be practical and stand for his country. Following the presidential election of the socialist politician, Salvador Allende, Urrutia commiserates with Farewell at the latter’s house. Farewell, now 80, is showing his age and has stopped making advances on Urrutia. Farewell tries and fails to reach by phone Neruda and Nicanor Parra (Chile’s second-most famous poet). Urrutia and Farewell drink for hours before Farewell passes out and Urrutia returns home.


Fatalistic about the country’s political direction, Urrutia buries himself in the Greek classics. Starting with Homer, he reads his way through the entire Greek canon as Chile normalizes relations with Cuba and nationalizes major industries, Neruda wins the Nobel Prize for literature, and politicians left and right are assassinated. Inflation and shortages plague Chile, the government expropriates estates (including Farewell’s Là-bas), and violence rocks the country. Urrutia reads Thucydides’s History of the Peloponnesian War. Finally, Urrutia reads Aristotle and Plato as one of Allende’s cabinet members is assassinated, half a million march in support of Allende, General Pinochet leads a successful coup, and Allende dies, apparently by suicide. Finally at peace, Urrutia stops reading. He admires the serene blue sky and calls Farewell, who is jubilant. In the following days, Urrutia feels both that Chile has finally awoken from a dream and that it has only just plunged into one.


In the immediate aftermath of the coup, Neruda dies. Over the phone, Urrutia and Farewell repeat to each other that the cause of death was cancer. At Neruda’s funeral, Farewell mentions that the government is returning his estate and ogles some boys, to Urrutia’s dismay. Someone recognizes Farewell, prompting Urrutia to feel that he’s still in a dream. Farewell laments that no one eulogizes Neruda.


Tired of the Greek classics, Urrutia returns to reading Chilean literature and writing poetry. He’s disturbed that he writes harshly about women, gay men, and children. As in an earlier period in his life, he considers showing his poetry to a confessor, but refrains. Though he suffers occasional nightmares, he outwardly lives a calm, collected life.

Pages 78-96 Summary

Early one morning, Urrutia’s maid informs him that Mr. Etah and Mr. Raef are in his living room. The men have another proposal for Urrutia that requires his utmost discretion, an offer they say he must accept. They quiz him on his knowledge of Marxism; terrified, Urrutia stammers that despite his knowledge of the topic, he’s not a communist. Calming him, the men tell Urrutia that he is to give 10 classes on Marxism to Pinochet and his junta.


Urrutia claims he cannot remember what he said to this proposal; however, a week later, a car takes him to a secret location outside of Santiago. He wears his cassock, though he’s unsure why he has done so. At the location, a darkened house, Urrutia’s military guide tells him that there are hidden, armed guards. In the classroom, Urrutia suspects he’s being watched; he tries to quell his anxiety and maintain a calm demeanor.


The entire junta enters, appearing two-dimensional in their uniforms. Urrutia teaches the first class on Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’s partnership. The second class sees worse attendance than the first. One of the admirals asks whether Marta Harnecker, a Chilean Marxist intellectual whose work Urrutia has assigned, is attractive. In the third class, Pinochet falls asleep.


Before the third or fourth class (Urrutia can’t remember which), Pinochet asks Urrutia whether he thinks Allende was an intellectual. Urrutia remains silent. Pinochet explains that Allende, reputedly an intellectual, read only magazines. Pinochet notes the paltry reading habits of other past presidents before quizzing Urrutia on how many books he (Pinochet) has written. Terrified, Urrutia again remains silent. Without any help, Pinochet has written three military books and published dozens of articles in journals worldwide. Pinochet explains that he wants to learn about Marxism to better defend Chile from its enemies and that he’s told Urrutia about his writing to prove that he is a serious student. He asserts that neither Allende nor any other Chilean president demonstrated his studious dedication to his country.


In the fifth class, Pinochet is very amiable. After a general falls asleep, Pinochet invites Urrutia outside for a walk. Almost instantaneously, decorative lights illuminate the enchanting gardens of the house. Urrutia tells Pinochet about Engels, and the general asks relevant questions. Inspired by the moon, Urrutia mentions two poems by the famous 19th-century Italian poet Giacomo Leopardi, and recites one from memory; Pinochet is unmoved.


During the sixth class, the entire junta returns. They ask primarily about Marta Harnecker’s life, giving Urrutia an idea for a poem about a degenerate woman. In the following three classes, Urrutia continues his curriculum while the generals continue to ask about Harnecker. At the 10th and final class, Pinochet is the only attendee; he and Urrutia discuss religion. When it ends, Pinochet gives Urrutia a gift and goodbye on behalf of the junta, both of which are more impersonal than Urrutia expected. Pinochet assures Urrutia that he has done a fine job and can leave with a clear conscience, knowing he has served his country.


Urrutia returns to the rhythms of Santiago and its curfew. He agonizes over whether he was a good teacher, whether his literary friends would approve of his teaching, and whether it’s possible to always know what’s moral. Breaking into sobs, he blames Mr. Raef and Mr. Etah for his misfortune, then falls asleep.


That week, while at dinner with Farewell, Urrutia divulges the entire story of his classes. Initially curious, Farewell’s expression becomes inscrutable; Urrutia senses that his mentor is both shocked by and envious of his brush with power. Farewell presses the reluctant Urrutia to remember a defining feature of Pinochet. Finally, Urrutia relates the story of the dictator quizzing him before the third or fourth class on the intellect of Chile’s former presidents.


When Urrutia finishes his story, Farewell continues to stare at him, “his half closed eyes like empty bear traps ruined by time and rain and freezing cold. It was as if Chile’s great twentieth-century critic were dead” (92). In a whisper, Urrutia asks whether he did the right thing, whether he did his duty or exceeded it (92). Farewell asks whether the classes were necessary or unnecessary; Urrutia responds that they were necessary. This answer satisfies Farewell, and also Urrutia—though only at the time. Urrutia implores Farewell to keep his secret.


A week later, a rumor spreads through Santiago about Urrutia’s lessons. Urrutia is convinced Farewell is the source, despite his denial. Urrutia awaits Mr. Etah and Mr. Raef’s wrath, but hears nothing. Finally, he realizes that no one cares: “The country was populated by hieratic figures, heading implacably towards an unfamiliar, gray horizon, where one could barely glimpse a few rays of light, flashes of lightning and clouds of smoke” (93). Of this hazy new land, Urrutia knows one thing definitively: Sordello doesn’t dwell there.


Urrutia downplays the severity of Pinochet’s dictatorship, arguing that life in Chile at the time of his deathbed apologia (under a socialist president) is no different from life under Pinochet. There is no true difference between right and left, he argues, because they are unified by art and literature. Under Pinochet, everyone was understanding about the “necessary” things done by their compatriots under that regime (94)—everyone except the wizened youth.


Despite his fears of being ostracized from the literary community for his classes, Urrutia reenters the literary sphere without criticism and resumes teaching and publishing. After vacationing in Europe, Urrutia returns to Chile and, in his newspaper articles, exhorts Chileans to read the Western canon. Despite believing that few understand his writing, Urrutia contents himself that a select few do.

Pages 73-96 Analysis

The twilight of Chilean democracy coincides with the twilight of Urrutia’s literary dream, reflecting The Illusion of Literary Immortality. Like the prisoners in Plato’s “Allegory of the Cave,” Urrutia has a backwards view of the world, one he clings to even when confronted by naked reality. Unlike Plato, Bolaño does not conceive truth as the beautiful realm of abstract forms, but instead as the violence and chaos that material reality always tends toward. This inversion of Plato’s conception of truth ironizes the fact that Urrutia reads the ancient Greek classics as political violence rocks Chile. This irony begins when Urrutia returns to Chile and decides that “[t]his is no time to dream […] I must act on my principles” (73). If Urrutia does indeed take action, he doesn’t describe it. Following Allende’s election, he reverts to his usual fatalism, declaring “[l]et God’s will be done” before burying himself in the Greek classics (74). Bolaño paints this intellectual aloofness as one of the key moral failures of the Chilean literary establishment under Pinochet.


Bolaño also criticizes the establishment’s silence on political violence through historical allusion to the suspicious circumstances of Neruda’s death, invoking The Problem of Complicity in Dictatorships. Though implicit in the novella, Neruda was a member of the communist party, making him an enemy of Pinochet’s junta; Urrutia and Farewell are conservatives who support the overthrow of the democratically elected, socialist president Allende. Nonetheless, despite their political differences, both Farewell and Urrutia admire the great Chilean poet. However, in Urrutia and Farewell’s conspicuous repetition of Neruda’s official cause of death, Bolaño alludes to their ignoring the suspicious nature of his demise.


In reality, in the aftermath of the coup, Neruda was admitted to the hospital with non-terminal pancreatic cancer. While hospitalized, his driver reported that someone posing as a doctor injected Neruda with an unknown substance. Neruda died hours later. A 2015 Chilean government investigation partially substantiated the long-standing rumors that Pinochet’s junta poisoned Neruda, likely fearing the opposition of a communist Nobel laureate. In the novella, Bolaño intimates Pinochet’s desire to silence Neruda through the ban on eulogies at his funeral—he doesn’t want a communist memorialized. In conspicuously repeating the official cause of death over the phone—a means of communication that was surveilled by DINA—Urrutia and Farewell toe the party line; truth bows to power.


Through the motifs of dreams and somnambulation, Bolaño illustrates the distortion of reality under Pinochet. After the coup, Urrutia feels that he and his compatriots have fallen into an inescapable dream:


[W]e went on living day by day in accordance with the abnormal conventions of the dream-world: anything can happen and whatever happens the dreamer accepts it. Movement works differently. We move like gazelles or the way gazelles move in a tiger’s dream. We move like a painting by Vasarely. We move as if we had no shadows and were unperturbed by that appalling fact. We speak. We eat. But underneath we are trying not to realize that we are speaking and eating. (76)


The existential disturbance of Chilean life caused by the coup leaves Urrutia feeling that he’s sleepwalking. Pinochet’s dictatorship distorts reality in the manner of an optical illusion, playing a trick on its subject; it places the populace—the herd—in peril, like gazelles in a tiger’s dream; it disrupts the ability to distinguish reality from fiction, like sleep. Finally, the disappearance of shadows symbolizes the dispelling of comforting illusions—literature. Ultimately, Bolaño suggests, one can only take comfort in the unaccountability of a dream for so long, as eventually, the dream ends, Pinochet falls, and Urrutia is left to account for his somnambulations: The actions he thought were of no moral consequence because they happened in a “dream.”


Bolaño’s description of Urrutia’s classes highlights both the banality of evil acts and the almost-magical allure of power. The junta’s preoccupation with Martha Harnecker’s appearance is the crude behavior of typical chauvinists. Their intermittent napping during class casts them as exhausted teens, not generals in a dictatorship. Pinochet himself is not a caricature of evil but a man who is both amiable and serious, insecure and dedicated. However, Pinochet can also be magnetic, which is no more apparent than when he invites Urrutia outside for a walk: “As if he were a magician, as soon as we stepped through the window-frame and entered the enchanted gardens, lights came on, exquisitely scattered here and there among the plants” (85). Just as on a macroscopic scale, a charismatic leader enchants a populace into supporting a dictatorship, the invisible hand of Pinochet’s power casts a spell over Urrutia. Underlying both is the specter of surveillance and violence: Hidden guards monitoring the classes are no doubt responsible for the magical effect of the lights.


Bolaño indicates that power is a facade that conceals violence. The junta appears in uniforms that shimmer “like shiny cardboard cut-outs, then like a restless forest” (83-84). This imagery evokes the trope of the empty suit as a replaceable unit of political power. It also recalls Urrutia’s earlier vision of the mass of Chilean writers sliding into oblivion, with “their silhouettes cut from black cardboard and the debris of their works” (51). In both cases, the two-dimensionality of the figures emphasizes their existential precarity. The junta is an agent of oblivion, concerned as it is with violence and disappearances.

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