38 pages 1-hour read

Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1942

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Part 1Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “The Marxian Doctrine”

Part 1, Prologue Summary

Schumpeter talks about how leaders of the Soviet Union have distorted Marxist thought, while claiming they are implementing it. Along with the revival of interest in Marxism in the US, this is a reason to re-examine Marx’s teachings.

Part 1, Chapter 1 Summary: “Marx the Prophet”

To understand Marx and assess his thought, Schumpeter argues, it is necessary to disentangle different aspects of what Marxism represents. The first of these strands is Marxism as a type of faith. For the believer it exists as an absolute standard of value and truth by which to understand the world. Like conventional religion, it offers the promise of salvation, a worldly one via a future socialist society. The genius of Marxism is to conceal its religious character. As Schumpeter says, “what conquered passionate allegiance” was “preaching in the garb of analysis and analyzing with a view to heartfelt needs” (6). Thus, the faithful can have the comfort of a religion, while believing they are endorsing science.

Part 1, Chapter 2 Summary: “Marx the Sociologist”

Schumpeter tries to distinguish another aspect of Marxist thought by dismissing the idea that he was a philosopher. Even though Marx started out as a philosopher, his later work bears no trace of Hegelian metaphysics. Instead, his thought is rooted in materialistic and empirical social science. He was primarily interested in “historical and contemporaneous fact” (10). It is only those already trained in philosophy, says Schumpeter, who suggest that Marx’s work is primarily philosophical.


Marxist thought can be divided into his sociology and economics. As a sociologist, Marx’s greatest achievement is interpreting history through an economic lens. This does not mean that people are motivated primarily or solely by economic self-interest. Rather, conscious motives and connected ideologies arise out of economic relations. Thought, as well as religious, artistic, and political ideas, develop because of underlying economic structures. Specifically, they arise out of the mode of production of a particular society, meaning who controls the means for producing goods. A mode of production determines whether a society is ancient, feudal, capitalist, or socialist. Class relations are founded on a society’s economic base; hence “the history of society is the history of class struggles” (14).

Part 1, Chapter 3 Summary: “Marx the Economist”

Schumpeter examines Marx as an economist. Marx’s predecessor, he says, was David Ricardo. Marx took up Ricardo’s theory of value by asserting that the source of economic value, and thus long-run prices, was labour. Or, put more precisely, “the value of every commodity is (in perfect equilibrium and perfect competition) proportional to the quantity of labor contained in the commodity” (23). The labor referred to here is the “socially necessary quantity of labor” (23) required to produce a good.


Schumpeter argues that Marx’s theory of value fares badly as an explanatory tool. That is, it fares poorly to explain actual variations in prices. First, it only applies under conditions of perfect competition, not conditions of imperfect competition or monopoly. Since perfect competition is rare its applicability is limited. Second, it is limited even under conditions of perfect competition, as labor is rarely the main or only factor of production involved with a commodity.

Part 1, Chapter 4 Summary: “Marx the Teacher”

For Marx, certain aspects of his thought constituted a synthetic unity. As Schumpeter says: “the major concepts and propositions are hence both economic and sociological and carry the same meaning on both planes” (45). For example, the economic category, labor, is a sociological concept. Likewise, capital an economic category, is only capital when in the hands of capitalists and not workers. This allows Marxism to breathe life into otherwise anaemic economic concepts and theory, and to gain a wider appeal.


Yet such synthesis can also obscure understanding, as seen in the labor-proletariat example. This unity between the sociological and economic obscures the economic reality that wages are paid to different kinds of labor, such as movie stars and executives. The reasons for differential wages, and the underlying economic phenomenon associated with them, are made more opaque.

Part 1 Analysis

At first glance, Schumpeter’s discussion of Marx seems puzzling. Why spend so much time refuting a thinker with whom he shares so little? Not just that, but one whose ideas he views as clearly flawed. The answer is that he wishes to use a key Marxist insight. As he says, Marx’s “result might nevertheless be true so far as it simply avers that capitalist evolution will destroy the foundations of capitalist society” (42). In other words, Schumpeter wants to adopt what he calls Marx’s “profound vision” (42). This is the idea that capitalism will inevitably destroy itself by dint of its own inner logic. Marx was the first to see this because he was able to marry economics and history. As Schumpeter says, “he was the first economist of top rank to see and to teach systematically how economic theory may be turned into historical analysis” (44). Unlike previous thinkers who separated historical narratives and economics, and thus understood capitalism in static terms, Marx recognized the essential dynamism of the capitalist system. Schumpeter finds this vital. By understanding capitalism in terms of an evolving historical process, Marx gained a deeper grasp of what capitalism is and grasped what it will become.


However, this is why Schumpeter criticizes Marx on other grounds. He rejects Marx’s explanation of why capitalism “is incessantly being revolutionized from within” (31), by new products, markets, and methods and that this “means turmoil” (32). He has his own theory of capitalism’s self-destruction and attacks Marx’s sociology of class. According to Marx, one reason why capitalism will collapse is because it systematically creates its own “gravediggers” in the proletariat. This is the class of individuals forced to sell their labor to those who own the means of production, the capitalist class or bourgeoisie.


As capitalism develops, in Marx’s view, the proletariat grows in number and becomes more starkly distinguished from the capitalist class. Growth occurs as capitalist industry expands and more people in an intermediary position are forced into the proletariat. For example, small and medium scale industrialists, unable to compete with larger enterprises, are put out of business and compelled to work for large-scale owners. Meanwhile, the capitalist class itself becomes sharply distinguished. An ever-diminishing number of capitalists become richer and more dislocated from the lives of the now vast majority who work for them. Eventually this situation becomes intolerable. The proletariat realize that they can take control of the means of production, which they do through revolution. Thus, capitalism is ended and socialism, where the means of production are controlled in common, is initiated.


Schumpeter argues that Marx’s view is too simplistic. While wealth has in some cases become concentrated, and industrial workers have become more significant than small-scale farmers, the class system has not been simplified in the way Marx envisaged. Instead, it has become more complex. Capitalist development and the increased range of technologies and products, as well as the growth of big business itself, has spawned numerous technical, managerial, and bureaucratic roles. These do not fit neatly into the “proletariat” designation. Consider, for example, someone working in human resources for a multinational company or a pilot for a commercial airline. Such workers do not necessarily identify as part of an oppressed class. Nor do they automatically feel solidarity with a worker in a factory, Marx’s archetypal proletarian.


Such workers do not feel there is an “impassable gulf” (19), as Marx thought there would be, between themselves and the owners of capital. Of course, huge differences of wealth and income persist across and within societies. Significant ownership of capital, to the extent where this provides a source of income, is still beyond the vast majority. However, suggests Schumpeter, there are many “white collar” workers whose standard of living puts them as close to the owners as it does to those from the traditional working class. For this reason, “their relation is, in normal times, primarily one of cooperation” with capitalists (19). Thus, Marx’s vision of capitalism’s demise fails.

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