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Chapter Seven, “Final Disposition,” opens with speculation about the nature and language of Celia’s appeal to the Missouri Supreme Court, written on her behalf by Jameson, Kouns, and Boulware. This chapter also describes how Celia was removed from jail before her scheduled execution date of November 16, and then returned sometime after, a fact acknowledged by Celia’s attorneys in their letter to the Supreme Court judges sent in support of their appeal. No one claimed responsibility for her “escape,” but since she was returned after her execution date, it was clearly intended to give time for the court to respond to her appeal, as Judge Hall refused to grant a stay.
Chapter Seven also discusses the political upheaval in Missouri as a result of David Atchinson’s bid for the Senate and the continuing fight over Kansas’s entry into the Union as a free or slave state. During the Free Soil convention in Topeka, Kansas, which met at the end of October and beginning of November and coincided with the weeks leading up to Celia’s first scheduled date of execution and the time when she and her lawyers were waiting to hear the ruling on her appeal, delegates drafted a constitution and an application for Kansas statehood. These moves toward establishing Kansas as a free state prompted response from proslavery forces in Missouri; more and more men were armed on both sides and violence was imminent. On November 21 the murder of a free-state settler by a proslavery settler set off a chain of events that led to the Free State fortification of Lawrence, Kansas, against a small army of proslavery forces brought in from Missouri. Although the stand-off at Lawrence was defused by the negotiation of a treaty between the two governments, the underlying issues remained in the headlines and politics and provided the larger context for Celia’s case.
McLaurin also notes that of the three men on Missouri’s Supreme Court, two had already handed down proslavery decisions in the earlier Dred Scott case and were unlikely to rule in Celia’s favor, no matter the efforts of the third member. Celia’s execution by hanging was carried out on the afternoon of Friday, December 21, 1855. On the night before her hanging, she was interrogated again and continued to maintain that she had acted alone in killing Newsom and disposing of his body. It is unknown where she was buried or what became of her children.
In Chapter Eight, “Conclusions,” McLaurin focuses primarily on how Celia’s case speaks to recent scholarship on “the manner and degree to which the sexual exploitation of female slaves influenced the routine operations of the institution of slavery” (116). In particular, McLaurin addresses the work of Stanley Elkins and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, the first of who contends that “slaves were powerless to protect their most basic humanity from the predations of the master” (116), and the second who argues that slave women resisted in any way available to them. McLaurin contends that Celia’s case illustrates that Elkins’ characterization is more accurate, especially given the lack of support networks available to most slaves, women included.
McLaurin also reiterates how Celia’s case highlights the “issue of the relationship of slave women to white women in the antebellum South” (117), primarily noting that white women were not in a position to advocate on behalf of slave women, even if they were so inclined. From there, McLaurin notes how the example of George also illustrates a bleak view of slave men’s agency and how their inability to protect the people they loved inevitably created jealousy and tension.
Celia’s case also highlights the role of the legal system in maintaining slavery, as it was used to resolve the “paradox” that results when slaves are viewed as “both chattels and persons” (118). As McLaurin notes, “Southern society insisted that the law uphold the master’s property rights, [even] while recognizing that as human beings slaves possessed certain rights, including an inviolable right to life” (118). As such, the law inevitably worked to the advantage of the master. McLaurin cites Mark Tushnet’s study of slave law, which contends that laws were primarily in place to regulate “market transactions” while relationships were regulated by “sentiment”—which is to say, the safety and bodily integrity of Celia depended on the idea that Robert Newsom would feel compelled by the custom and expectations of his society to not force himself on his young slave, as he was not compelled by law to restrain himself. The lack of laws addressing the relationships between slaves and masters becomes a moot point, however, given that slaves were not legally allowed to testify against white people and therefore were unlikely to be able to prove abuse or wrongdoing.
McLaurin’s final conclusion addresses how southerners could not help but address the inherent moral evil of slavery, as they were “at some point in their lives […] very likely to be confronted with a personal moral dilemma that resulted because slavery granted one group of people such power over another group” (120-121), as Celia’s case demonstrates. McLaurin ends the book by reflecting that although the psychic cost of doing so was high, most were able to reconcile slavery with their own morality, causing “incalculable and enduring” cost to those who were enslaved.
One important aspect of Chapter Seven is the revelation of Celia’s “escape” from jail, intended to delay her execution long enough for her appeal to be heard, which her attorneys knew about and quite possibly had a hand in. It seems no small thing for slave owning white men who were, as lawyers, sworn to uphold the law, to tacitly encourage (if not participate in) illegal actions in support of a slave. Still, it does not necessarily indicate their questioning of the morality of slavery overall. It can still be reconciled with what McLaurin, citing Mark Tushnet in Chapter Eight, observes about how slave law was used to “regulate ‘market transactions’” only and leave relationships to be governed by “sentiment.” This is another way of saying that slaves depended on the “goodness” of their masters, and in their defense of Celia, her lawyers no doubt considered themselves “good masters.”
Chapter Seven also includes a newspaper account of Celia’s death, which McLaurin describes as having “unintentional irony” in its description of Celia’s execution as the close of “‘one of the most horrible tragedies ever enacted in our county’” (114). Presumably, the tragedy to which the witness was referring was the death of Robert Newsom. McLaurin finds this statement ironic because of his focus on the real tragedy, which was the execution of a powerless and morally innocent slave woman. The real tragedy was not the death of one rapist slaveholder but the categorical denial of Celia’s basic human rights in both personal and legal contexts.
Chapter Eight’s “conclusions” expand on this sense of tragedy and how it illustrates the major themes of the book—how the law was used to obscure the moral ambiguity caused by slavery, how enslaved women were at the mercy of everyone, including enslaved men, and how the system causes suffering on all fronts, though clearly not in equitable proportions. This final chapter brings us back to the themes touched on in the “Introduction” and again place the story of Celia in the context of recent scholarship on slavery in the U.S., concluding that Celia, a slave, paints a bleaker picture of the “hard daily realities of slavery” (ix) than some would have us imagine.



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