Dusk of Dawn

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1940
Dusk of Dawn, subtitled "An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept," is the third in a trilogy of works by W. E. B. Du Bois on the Black experience in America. Published in 1940, it follows The Souls of Black Folk (1903) and Darkwater (1920). Du Bois, a scholar, editor, and activist, frames the book not as a conventional autobiography but as the life history of a concept: race as it has shaped and constrained Black life in the modern world. He warns that autobiography tends toward self-importance or dishonest omission and insists his life matters only because it was "part of a Problem" (xxxv), the central problem of the world's greatest democracy.
The opening chapter situates Du Bois's 72 years (1868–1940) within the sweep of world-historical events, from the Civil War to the Second World War. He describes himself as born within European civilization yet rejected by it and traces how racial difference, rationalized through skin color to justify the slave trade and industrial exploitation, became embedded in government, religion, education, and work. Over his lifetime, his understanding shifts from a boyhood awareness of color to a youthful faith that science could cure racial injustice, and finally to a recognition that economic forces and unconscious habits of thought require long-term transformation rather than immediate assault.
Du Bois was born on February 23, 1868, in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, a small town with 25 to 50 Black residents. His family, the Burghardts, were among the valley's oldest inhabitants. His mother, Mary Sylvina Burghardt, raised him alone after his father, Alfred Du Bois, a light-skinned man of mixed race, died in Du Bois's infancy. Du Bois excelled academically in local schools, and his principal, Frank Hosmer, steered him into the college preparatory course, quietly opening doors to higher education. After his mother's death in 1885, a scholarship sent him to Fisk University, a Black institution in Nashville, Tennessee, rather than to Harvard, his dream school. At Fisk, Du Bois encountered for the first time a large community of Black people of varied backgrounds, an experience that liberated him from the spiritual isolation of his New England upbringing.
At Fisk (1885–1888), Du Bois confronted Southern racial discrimination firsthand and discovered the beauty of Black folk songs through summers of teaching in rural East Tennessee. At Harvard (1888–1890), he studied under philosopher William James and historian Albert Bushnell Hart, earning his BA in 1890 and his MA in 1891. A fellowship from the Slater Fund took him to the University of Berlin (1892–1894), where studying under leading German scholars transformed his worldview: He began to see the American race problem, the colonization of Africa, and European political development as one interconnected system.
Returning nearly penniless, Du Bois began a 16-year teaching career. At the University of Pennsylvania, he conducted the landmark sociological study published as The Philadelphia Negro (1899), a comprehensive examination that framed the Black community as a symptom of larger urban problems rather than their cause. At Atlanta University (from 1897), he directed the Atlanta Conferences, producing over 2,000 pages of sociological research that became the most important body of work on the race problem between 1896 and 1920. His scientific detachment shattered when he learned that the knuckles of Sam Hose, a Black man lynched in Georgia, were displayed in a grocery store along his walking route. He began to see that calm science alone could not address racial violence.
Du Bois devotes extensive attention to his conflict with Booker T. Washington, head of Tuskegee Institute and the most powerful Black figure in America. Washington advocated industrial training and accommodation to white Southern opinion; Du Bois championed higher education for a leadership class that could guide Black Americans toward full citizenship. Beyond this ideological divide, Du Bois objected to what he calls the "Tuskegee Machine," Washington's network of political patronage, press control, and philanthropic gatekeeping backed by Northern white capitalists. Du Bois's publication of The Souls of Black Folk (1903), with its frank evaluation of Washington, ended any possibility of alliance. In 1905, Du Bois founded the Niagara Movement, a group of Black intellectuals demanding full suffrage, enforcement of the Constitution, and an end to discrimination. The movement was eventually absorbed by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909 when a lynching in Springfield, Illinois, brought together white liberals and Black activists.
Three essayistic chapters interrupt the chronological narrative to address the book's intellectual substance. In "The Concept of Race," Du Bois traces shifting scientific claims of racial inferiority, details his family genealogy through both a white French Huguenot ancestor and an African ancestor brought to colonial Massachusetts, and recounts his 1923–1924 visit to Africa, where he came to see that the economic value of race prejudice caused theories of racial inferiority rather than resulting from them. He offers a metaphor for caste segregation: people trapped behind invisible, soundproof glass, trying to communicate with a world that cannot hear them. In "The White World," Du Bois exposes the irreconcilable codes governing white American life, from Christianity's peace to empire's exploitation, and connects Hitler's ideology to the logic of white supremacy since the Berlin Conference of 1884, which partitioned Africa among European colonial powers. In "The Colored World Within," he surveys Black America's strategic options and proposes economic self-organization through consumer cooperatives, not as an embrace of permanent segregation but as a practical response to entrenched conditions.
Du Bois describes his NAACP years (1910–1934) in detail. He launched The Crisis, the organization's magazine, in November 1910, building it from 1,000 copies to over 100,000 by 1918. Through the magazine he published early work by writers such as Claude McKay, Langston Hughes, and Countee Cullen, helping to catalyze the Harlem Renaissance. The NAACP secured landmark court victories, including the overthrow of provisions designed to disenfranchise Black voters. Du Bois supported Woodrow Wilson in 1912 on the basis of a written promise of fair dealing for Black Americans, but Wilson's presidency brought segregation of Black federal employees and a wave of discriminatory legislation. D. W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation (1915) twisted the history of Reconstruction into a narrative of Black degradation, contributing to a spike in lynchings and the revival of the Ku Klux Klan, a white supremacist organization.
America's entry into the First World War brought systematic discrimination against Black soldiers: segregated training, assignment to labor rather than combat, and denial of officer commissions. Du Bois wrote the controversial "Close Ranks" editorial in July 1918, urging Black Americans to set aside their "special grievances" during the war (127), a position he later questioned. After the Armistice, he organized the first Pan-African Congress in Paris in February 1919. The year 1919 brought catastrophic racial violence: 77 Black people were lynched, race riots erupted in 26 cities, and the Ku Klux Klan surged in membership.
The Depression devastated The Crisis, its circulation dropping to barely 10,000 by 1933. Du Bois began advocating planned economic self-defense through cooperatives and mutual institutions built within existing segregation. This position outraged many who saw any accommodation of segregation as betrayal. In May 1934, the NAACP board voted that no salaried officer could criticize Association policy in The Crisis. Du Bois immediately resigned, unwilling to be silenced. He returned to Atlanta University, published Black Reconstruction (1935), and traveled the globe. A visit to Russia in 1928 had already deepened his conviction that democracy must extend from politics into industry, and the Depression confirmed his belief that capitalism organized for private profit was strangling democratic government. On his 70th birthday in 1938, he expressed gratitude for a life spent doing meaningful work, noting he had saved almost nothing but insisting that fulfilling work, compared to well-paid drudgery, was the difference between heaven and hell.
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