71 pages 2-hour read

Embers of the Hands: Hidden Histories of the Viking Age

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2025

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Chapters 9-10Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 9 Summary: “Unfreedom”

Content Warning: This section of the guide contains descriptions of enslavement, sexual abuse, and ritual sacrifice.



Between the Lines


Barraclough describes a scene where a warrior leads a captive by a rope about the neck. It is the image on the hostage stone, a visual story of enslavement by Viking raiders. Stories like this appear throughout accounts of the period, including an attack on Seville in 844: “They spent seven days there, killing the men and enslaving the women and children” (253). Elsewhere, accounts describe women taken in 821, abbots and reliquaries in 832. Some were ransomed, but many were sold.


One estimate suggests 20 to 30% of the population of Scandinavia was enslaved in the year 1000, yet evidence of their daily lives is hard to find. Legal rights were vitally important to free people, but enslaved people appear in law codes only as chattel. Enslaved men were called “thralls,” and enslaved women were “ambatt,” a term that sometimes indicated sexual enslavement. The enslaved could be foreign captives or individuals of Scandinavian origin who surrendered their freedom temporarily to pay a debt. Variations in their conditions meant “freedom” was a relative term.


Bindings


Written records often describe enslaved people held by locks and chains, but because captives were plentiful and chains were expensive, most captives were likely bound with rope. The hostage stone seems to represent this. Shackles, when they are found at all, appear mostly at trading centers, where the volume of people coming and going was higher.


Written records describe the existence of enslaved people in the context of other stories. Vita Rimberti from 888 was written with the intent of building Rimbert up as a saint whose prayers broke chains from the necks of captives intended for enslavement, so Barraclough reminds readers to be skeptical. However, she says the description of a busy port where Christians are being led away in chains is likely based on reality.


Human Cargo


The author returns to the Rus-Byzantine peace treaty of 907 and introduces another Byzantine source, On the Governance of the Empire, from the same period. While the treaty makes no mention of enslavement, the latter source describes humans among the goods the Rus traded: They “conduct the slaves in their chains past by land, six miles” (258). Writing from a trading post at the Volga River, Arab geographer Al-Muqaddasi listed “slaves” among the items brought to market. This is supported by Ahmad ibn Fadlan’s notes from 921, in which he also wrote that they had sex with enslaved women in public, left the dead to be eaten by animals, and sacrificed enslaved people so they might serve them in the next world.


Settlers and Pioneers


Ingolf, whom Barraclough described in “Belief,” was accompanied by his friend Hjorleif when settling Iceland. The Landnamabok lists 10 enslaved individuals they brought with them; only five are named. One of the enslaved men led the others in the murder of Hjorleif and his companions, then escaped to a nearby island, until Ingolf and two enslaved men found and killed them. The islands where this happened are called the Westmanna Islands, after an old term referring to the inhabitants of Britain and Ireland, where the enslaved men were from. The author calls the islands’ name a reminder that enslavement is part of Iceland’s earliest settlement.


The saga of Erik the Red also includes enslaved people. In Iceland, Erik’s enslaved persons cause a landslide on a neighboring farm, for which the neighbor’s relative kills them, and for which Erik kills the relative, resulting in his exile and eventual exploration of Greenland. Records show enslaved people were among the first Greenlandic settlers. In the saga, Lief Eriksson brings two enslaved Scots, Haki and Hekja, on his voyage west from Greenland. They go ashore and return with handfuls of grapes; this leads to the land being called Vinland. Another saga credits an enslaved man named Tyrkir, whose father treated Leif “very affectionately as a child” (262). Barraclough suggests the description of Tyrkir shows he would have experienced a different form of enslavement than Haki and Hekja.


Archaeological evidence from L’Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland proves Norse settlers landed there, confirming many details in the Vinland sagas. Though there is no evidence to show whether Haki, Hekja, and Tyrkir were real people or fictionalized characters, enslaved people played crucial roles in exploration and settlement.


Workers


Runic clues confirm the work of enslaved people was difficult and degrading. The N-rune was called naud, and a poem explains: “Naud is the suffering of the slave and heaviness of being and toil of work” (263). A law recorded in medieval Norway described a typical farm as containing 12 cows, two horses, and three thralls. Bigger farmsteads required more labor and thus more thralls. Divisions of work are harder to parse, since the archaeological record cannot show who held farm equipment or worked a loom, and whether they were free or unfree.


Companions


Barraclough revisits Egil’s saga to describe a competition in which Egil and his friend are pitted against Egil’s father Skallagrim. Skallagrim kills Egil’s friend and is about to kill Egil when an enslaved woman intervenes to save him; Skallagrim kills her instead. The author says her selfless act suggests an emotional bond, akin to that between Leif Eriksson and Tyrkir.


The woman in the saga is called Skallagrim’s ambatt, suggesting he used her for sex. In Ahmad ibn Fadlan’s account of Rus traders, enslaved women are treated as property to be used for sex without regard for consent, a term the author points out is essentially meaningless within the power dynamic of enslavement. Some law codes address pregnancy in enslaved women: There were penalties for impregnating someone else’s property, which existed to protect the person who benefitted from their labor. The person who impregnated an enslaved woman was responsible for her until she was able to go back to work, but there is no mention of the woman’s welfare.


Sacrifice


Written and archaeological records show sacrifice of enslaved people. A poem about the Valkyrie Brynhild describes her instructions for her own burial, and includes the list of individuals to accompany herself and Sigurd to the afterlife: “[M]any foreign slaves,” “maids adorned with jewellery,” “five serving-girls,” “eight servants of good family,” and “the slaves who grew up with me” (267). The account by Ahmad ibn Fadlan is famous for the description of an enslaved woman who “volunteers” to be sacrificed for her dead master; he describes a ritual in which six men enter a pavilion to have sex with the woman, after which a figure called the Angel of Death kills her by stabbing and strangulation.


Barraclough says some burials with multiple individuals in one grave indicate ritual sacrifice. The younger of the two women in the Oseberg ship burial may have been one such; genetic tests indicate she may have been from the Black Sea region, connecting her to Brynhild’s “many foreign slaves.” A burial from the 10th century on the Isle of Man includes a large mound with a young male sealed inside; near the top was a young woman with a severed skull, face-down with burned animal bones. 


In Birka, the grave of an older man contained the body of a younger man, decapitated with his head placed carefully near his chest. Other burials include decapitated bodies that indicate sacrifice. The author points out that these decapitated men had horizontal grooves in their teeth and wonders whether such markings were intended to label them as “property.”


Freedom


A runestone in Denmark, dated around 1000, says it was commissioned by Toki the Smith to honor Thorgisl, who freed him from enslavement. The fact that Toki had enough resources to commission this runestone and another nearby shows he became an individual of some means. 


Saga narratives include stories of individuals being freed, including Ingolf freeing one of the men who helped him avenge Hjorlief’s murder. However, another saga story—where a father scoffs at a formerly enslaved man who asks to marry his daughter—shows that having once been enslaved was enough to keep a person from equal footing in society. Norwegian law codes show that a freed person owed fealty to their former master even generations after enslavement, and anything they owned was also tied to the family that once owned them.

Endings


The author notes that though Christian clerics at the time began to make objections to the slave trade, these were mostly cases where Christians were being sold to non-Christians. Other records show enslavement continued. Peace treaties between Danes and Anglo-Saxons include agreements not to harbor runaways, and law codes describe punishment for those trying to “steal themselves.” 


In the Colloquy, Abbot Ælfric of Eynsham wrote a description of a day’s work from an enslaved man’s point of view, which the author explains is notable as an effort by someone from the upper reaches of society to imagine the lived experiences of the enslaved. Enslavement began to diminish under William the Conqueror in 11th-century England. Scandinavia followed, though mentions of “thralls” exist in legal documents into the 13th century.

Chapter 10 Summary: “Endings”

Barraclough explores the significance of three artifacts to explain the Viking Age didn’t “end.” Instead, its culture was absorbed and diffused.


Ending 1: Sunset


A sundial in a Kirkdale church is one of the oldest from the Anglo-Saxon period; gravestones repurposed when rebuilding the church date to the 8th century. Panels on either side of the sundial explain the church was rebuilt by a man called Orm in the days of King Edward and Earl Tostig, or between 1055 and 1065. The Kirkdale sundial shows that Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon cultures had blended thoroughly by this time: While Orm’s inscription is written in Old English, the word “sundial” comes from Old Norse, and his name is Scandinavian in origin. Barraclough finds symmetry in beginnings and endings: While early Viking raiders destroyed churches, here an individual connected to them by heritage rebuilt one.


The date of rebuilding is near the event that often marks the end of the Viking Age, William the Conqueror’s victory at the Battle of Hastings in October 1066. A month earlier, Harald Hardrada died at Stamford Bridge, which the author says might be a more apt signpost for ending the Viking Age. Either way, the tangle of alliances in the battles of 1066 illustrate the extent to which elite families of Scandinavia and England had integrated with one another. Earl Tostig fought and died with Harald Hardrada, yet was the brother of Queen Edith and Harold Godwinson, making him a member of the most powerful family in England. All three siblings were half- Danish. This blending of cultures was repeated throughout the Norse world, from Kyivan Rus in what is now Ukraine to Normans in France.


Ending 2: Checkmate


A hoard of chess pieces, discovered in the Outer Hebrides of Scotland, shows trade links in the Norse world were still active around 1200. They are walrus ivory, likely from Greenland, while the details of their design indicate they were carved in Norway or Iceland. The pieces include Anglo Christian figures like a queen and a bishop, but also the semi-legendary pagan berserkers biting their shields: Two worlds on one game board.


Historical transitions in Scotland mirror those in England, with battles between King Alexander III of Scotland and King Hakon IV of Norway. Norwegian ships sacked villages, mirroring early Viking raids, until Hakon withdrew to winter at Orkney and died there. King Alexander sent troops to kill those who supported him and erase Norse influence. However, stones bear a mix of runes and Ogam, an archaic early form of written Irish language; the blending of the two alphabets appears deliberate. Other naming and alphabet traditions demonstrate merging languages and cultures.


During the same period, civil war in Iceland culminated with leaders swearing allegiance to Hakon’s son King Magnus. This is also when many Icelandic sources were written, and the author wonders whether the fierce independence of the characters shows a reaction to losing their political independence, marking the end of the Viking Age for them.


Orkney and Shetland remained under Scandinavian control until Christian I married his daughter to Scotland’s King James III in 1468, with the islands as her dowry. A form of Old Norse was spoken in these Northern Isles until the 1800s; collectors recorded their vocabulary, including a riddle that is almost identical to one in a saga from 13th-century Iceland.


Ending 3: The World Will End in Ice


Herjolfsnes was the first area of Greenland settled by the Norse, and lay at the first landing site merchants reached after the journey from Norway or Iceland. The ice cover there created the best-preserved trove of medieval clothing ever discovered. In addition to the clothing, archaeologists at Herjolfsnes found wooden figures carved by Inuit inhabitants of Greenland depicting Norse Greenlanders and their style of dress. The clothing and carved figures show hooded styles that became fashionable in mainland Europe in the 14th and 15th centuries—chronological evidence that trade links persisted, with merchants making the journey until the end of Norse settlement there. The last written reports from the settlements describe a witch burning in 1407 and a wedding in 1408.


Barraclough asks when an “age” is truly over—is it simply when there is no one living left to remember it? Nevertheless, these stories persist, and people today try to remember and understand.

Chapters 9-10 Analysis

The concluding chapters circle back through evidence and elements from earlier in the book to deepen the theme of The Nature of Social Structures and Daily Life in Viking Society. By making “Unfreedom” the penultimate chapter, the author leverages the knowledge of Viking history, customs, and artifacts provided in previous chapters, while guiding the reader to look at them from a new perspective. Barraclough explains that “enslaved people were there from the beginning of the Viking Age. They have been there from the beginning of this book, too, often hidden between the lines” (253) through the depiction on the hostage stone, and recorded in law codes and treaties. 


Her narrative description of the scene depicted on the hostage stone makes it more than an artifact, examining the humanity of the people who were led away from their homes by ropes or chains, whose dehumanization is evident in the way corroborating sources listed them among the goods and chattel brought for trade. These traces are essential, Barraclough says, since “when we’re thinking about those who fell between the cracks of history, this is most consistently and inescapably the enslaved” (253). The chapter’s title captures the idea that many enslaved people had known freedom and presents their “unfreedom” as an opposite state of being that might last beyond their enslavement, placing them outside the social structure and preventing them from obtaining true freedom again. Barraclough’s inference that filed teeth may have been an indication of enslavement—though no definitive evidence exists—suggests that some people carried the physical signifiers of enslavement all their lives.


While looking for references to enslaved people and their treatment in the historical record, the author treads carefully, noting multiple times that conditions of enslavement varied and largely allowing the source material to provide the details. Nonetheless, by meticulously combing through the record for these references, she supports the claim that enslaved people were woven into the fabric of society, drivers of economic and social activity who helped build the very culture that bound them. Reviewing the settlements of Iceland and Greenland, and the sagas about the people who populated them, she urges the reader to reimagine familiar scenes from the book with this new knowledge.


“Endings” comes full-circle by mirroring the structure of “Beginnings” by examining three artifacts, returning to a metaphorical view of the people caught in the “flow” of history’s river and reinforcing The Economic and Societal Impacts of Cultural Diffusion. While “Beginnings” examines evidence of early influences and expansion of Norse culture, “Endings” inverts this model to look at the diffusion and blurring of Norse culture. The artifacts symbolize key moments, described using figurative language that begins with “a church sundial, hidden in the shadows like a clock that has wound down for the last time” (227). The reference to this “winding down” is significant, since this is the view the author conveys of the end of the Viking Age: Not the definitive stop of 1066, but a gradual winding down where Norse influence slows but doesn’t stop. By examining the blending of cultures, in the ancestry of individuals as well as the styling of game pieces, language, and hooded cloaks across centuries, the author argues that Viking Age influence extended long past its official end, touching people at all levels of society.


The author’s philosophical analysis of how we define history is peppered with questions and the word “perhaps,” inviting the reader to draw their own conclusions and feel a personal connection to those who lived centuries ago. For her part, Barraclough restates her book’s thesis, that “the personal, intimate parts of people’s lives matter every bit as much as the famous, dramatic, narrative-defining ones” (305), a statement that encompasses most people living today. When the author insists that “we remember,” even if these memories are reinterpretations of something that can only be known at its very edges, she suggests those stories are still alive in the present.

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