58 pages 1-hour read

Five Days at Memorial: Life and Death in a Storm-Ravaged Hospital

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2013

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Chapter 9-Epilogue Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 9 Summary

On Monday evening, July 17, 2006, Dr. Anna Pou is arrested by a team led by Rider; she is booked for the second-degree murder of four Memorial hospital patients. Pou is released on $100,000 bond. Nurses Landry and Budo are also arrested. Tenet will pay for their defense but also fires them. 


The next day at a press conference, Attorney General Charles Foti says: “We’re talking about people that pretended that maybe they were God” (334). He continues: “This is not euthanasia. This is plain-and-simple homicide” (334). 


Pou’s attorney, Richard Simmons, holds a press conference, where he reminds the press that formal charges must be brought by the New Orleans district attorney. He sidesteps questions about euthanasia with a simple dismissal—“There’s no criminal conduct”(336)—and maintains that his client is completely innocent. He defends Tenet, insisting that “the hospital company had rescued patients from Memorial and the state had not” (336). 


There is plenty of blame to go around for the tragedy, including poor planning, defective levees, lack of resources, turf battles, and communication breakdowns. Reports of looting and other crimes, which led to orders to many first responders to abandon their posts, turn out to have been exaggerated. 


The public sends letters of support and criticism; a debate rages in the media. One asks: “What were they supposed to do, let their patients suffer and die in misery?” Another says: “Who are you to decide whether or not my misery is enough for you to put me out of it without my consent or permission?” (340).


Legal defense funds and public relations campaigns are launched to support Dr. Pou and the nurses. Meanwhile, relatives of patients who died file lawsuits against the hospital, Tenet, and LifeCare; one becomes a class-action effort. Some lawsuits name individual doctors and nurses: “The suits variously alleged euthanasia, inadequate backup power supply, failed evacuation policies, and abandonment” (359). 


Angela McManus speaks often with the news media about the death of her mother, Vera, at Memorial, declaring: “Euthanasia is something you do to a horse, or to an animal. When you do it to people, it’s called murder” (361).


NBC airs a report about Lindy Boggs Medical Center, another Tenet hospital in New Orleans that suffered conditions similar to Memorial after Katrina and whose staffers and rescuers decided, as had Memorial, to evacuate the worst patients last. Agent Rider learns that some staffers had dressed themselves as patients to hasten their own rescue, and that doctors discussed euthanizing patients. Similar events apparently occurred at other nearby medical facilities, where some bodies were found with high levels of morphine and midazolam, as at Memorial. 


An exception is Charity Hospital, which is better prepared for Katrina, does better at organizing and using its available resources, and—despite a much higher population—loses only ten patients: “The sickest were taken out first instead of last” (371). 


CBS program 60 Minutes interviews Dr. Pou and Attorney General Foti. “Pou’s appearance was a sensation” (737), but Foti comes across as a fool. The American Medical Association expresses its support for Pou. Attorney Simmons and others orchestrate public relations campaigns on her behalf. An episode of Boston Legal depicts the trial of a Pou-like defendant, who is found not guilty. 


Orleans Parish coroner Dr. Frank Minyard reviews the evidence and ponders the history of euthanasia and recent court precedents on induced deaths. He agonizes over the case; in February of 2007, despite the fact that the deaths in question appear to have been caused by a person, he “finds no evidence of homicide” (396). 


Agent Rider confronts Minyard on his decision; the coroner replies that “he had to consider what was best for his city, whose reputation had already suffered so much damage” (397). Rider believes his reasons are corrupt: she “had never witnessed the level of politics that she had seen in this case” (397). Disappointed, her work done, Rider quits the agency and finds another job. 


Organizers put on a dinner-dance fundraiser in Houston for Dr. Pou. Tearfully, Pou tells the audience: “If it would not be for you…I would not be standing here today” (406). 


The Orleans district attorney won’t press charges against nurses Landry and Budo, along with nurse managers Mary Jo D’Amico and Karen Wynn, but subpoenas them to testify before the grand jury “so he could find out what they knew about Anna Pou” (411). The nurses’ testimony would be immunized so that prosecutors could not use it as evidence against them, but their lawyers appeal, arguing that the city could later bring charges using other evidence, as occurred with seven police officers who testify under immunity and later are cited for murder during a post-Katrina shooting. The appeal is denied. 


Landry and Budo testify that they had injected seventh-floor patients with morphine and midazolam on the assumption that they wouldn’t survive anyway. The jury appears sympathetic to them. Nurse manager D’Amico, on the other hand, testifies that the LifeCare nurses “were ‘sleeping on the job’ on the second floor on Tuesday night” (422). 


Much incriminating evidence, including testimony from “pathologists, toxicologists, coroners, and the medical ethicist—Frank Minyard’s forensic all-stars” (422), is not presented. Also missing are reports from relatives of the deceased “who had been made to leave LifeCare just before the injections took place” (423). 


Dr. Thiele, who had injected patients alongside Dr. Pou, fears arrest. His legal fees mount up; stressed, he ignores abdominal pains that turn out to be severe colon cancer. Hospitalized, “Thiele passed weeks in a half-conscious limbo” (428); miraculously, he gets better and becomes a classic case of a patient with little prospect of survival who recovers. 


Dr. Baltz attends a rally in support of Dr. Pou and the nurses. He is troubled by their stance: “By warning that an indictment would lead medical professionals to leave New Orleans, Pou’s supporters were threatening to abandon their patients if the issue wasn’t resolved to their satisfaction” (429). Baltz calls it a “euthanasia rally” (429). 


On July 24, 2007, the grand jury returns its decision: it has “declined to indict Pou on every charge” (432). In September, St. Rita’s nursing home owners are acquitted “on all thirty-five counts of negligent homicide and twenty-four counts of cruelty to the infirm that Foti had brought against them” (434). Several weeks later, Foti loses his re-election bid. Before he leaves office, Foti “released the forensic experts’ findings to the media” 437). 


All state and federal investigations into post-Katrina hospital and nursing home deaths are closed down. Civil lawsuits continue, however. Efforts by the media to view “the balance of the Medicaid Fraud Control Unit’s thousands of pages of investigative records”(437) are turned down by courts. 


The State of Louisiana reimburses Dr. Pou and her employer, LSU, for their legal expenses, totaling more than $450,000: “The class action suit against Memorial and Tenet was settled before trial for $25 million with no admission of wrongdoing” (437). The settlement is distributed among Memorial and LifeCare patients and staff; Dr. Pou receives about $10,000

Epilogue Summary

In August of 2012, Memorial hospital, renamed Ochsner Baptist, evacuates all patients and personnel well in advance of oncoming Hurricane Isaac. Two months later, Hurricane Sandy pummels New York City, where once again hospitals struggle with flooding, power outages, and the need to evacuate their most critical patients. 


At Bellevue hospital’s ICU, the main backup generators are likely to become disabled by flooding, leaving only enough power for six ventilator outlets. Use must be rationed. The staff uses a protocol, drawn up in Katrina’s wake, that specifies the categories of patients who will receive ventilators and those, mainly patients with terminal illnesses, who shall not. 


Dr. Pou and advocates in other states lead efforts to increase immunity for healthcare workers during emergencies. Louisiana legislators unanimously enact legislation based on drafts prepared by Pou and attorney Simmons. Ironically, long-standing legislation already immunizes the Army Corps of Engineers from lawsuits stemming from Hurricane Katrina’s catastrophic levee failures. U.S. District Court Judge Stanwood Duval presides over some of these cases and comments: “Often, when the King can do no wrong, his subjects suffer the consequences. Such is the case here” (455). 


Medical ethicists come down hard on euthanasia. The National Academy of Medicine says: “Neither the law nor ethics support the intentional hastening of death, even in a crisis” (456). 


In tests, rationing protocols produce mixed results. Some patients who, in an emergency, would be excluded from treatment actually survive with continued therapeutics: “Even with clear guidelines to follow, triage officers often disagreed and lacked confidence in their categorization decisions” (458). By 2015, most disaster plans have not been corrected, and others “were being adopted based on the faulty model” (458). 


Elsewhere, emergency responders struggle with similar problems. U.S. federal disaster teams in earthquake-torn Haiti in 2010 face supply problems and must make tough decisions on who will receive care. Mistakes and misjudgments are common; some decisions are made without consulting the patients involved. 


It’s hard to face families of critical patients and explain to them that their loved ones won’t make the cut. Rationing protocols “outline the creation of what could, in all fairness, be called death panels” (464). Yet relatives often understand and agree to such decisions, and sometimes they are willing and able to volunteer to work manual ventilators. 


In Maryland, in 2015, medical ethicists hold community meetings to seek out public views on how to allot limited care during an emergency, including whether young patients should receive priority over old, medical workers over other civilians, etc. Organizers “found wide variation in local perspectives about fairness, and noted that community members were concerned about equity along racial, ethnic, rural-urban, and socioeconomic divides” (468). 


One report notes that Do Not Resuscitate orders “were not useful parameters of triage decision making in disasters,” as these orders reflect “personal preferences about end-of-life planning ‘more than an accurate estimate of survival’” (470). 


Some doctors worry that triage protocols will stand in as substitutes for pre-disaster preparation and spending. For one Indian physician, “[t]riaging better was not enough for her” (472), and, during a flu epidemic in India, she invents a cheap ventilator jury-rigged from hospital supplies that saves hundreds of lives. 


At Bellevue during Hurricane Sandy, bottom floors flood, city power shuts off, and elevators fail: “Volunteers formed a chain and passed fuel up thirteen flights of stairs to feed the generators manually” (475). All ICU patients receive ventilator access. Evacuations are successful; one patient weighing 600 pounds and one who is extremely fragile are rescued. 

Chapter 9-Epilogue Analysis

Attorney General Foti tries to make political hay with the arrest of Dr. Pou and nurses Landry and Budo. His attempt backfires badly in the face of wide public support for the medical workers. Orleans district attorney Jordan, who must oversee the prosecution, wants desperately to wipe his hands of the entire case. 


Corporations, in particular Memorial owner Tenet Healthcare, want the case to go away, lest it lead to further litigation that might damage profits. Doctors and medical associations line up behind Dr. Pou and the nurses—they don’t want the precedent of criminal penalties to hogtie medical personnel during future emergencies. The public adores Pou, regards her as a hero, and likely would become surly if she were sent to prison. News media, led by CNN, champion Pou’s cause. 


Fink relates that under these circumstances, it’s no wonder coroner Minyard won’t use the word “homicide” when speaking before the grand jury, or that DA Jordan omits important physical evidence damning to Dr. Pou. Add to this the public’s overwhelming support for Pou, and the grand jury’s refusal to indict her begins to make sense. 


Pou works to get legislation passed that eases restrictions on medics during emergencies, and many hospitals learn at least some of the lessons of Katrina. The question of whether this is this real progress or not arises. 


The ethical debate that follows the Katrina disaster seems to settle on the opinion that euthanasia is not an appropriate solution during emergencies. Triage gives mixed results. Critical patients can and do get evacuated without dying, and evidence suggests that critical patients who gasp for breath probably feel no pain. As Fink proposes, the Memorial doctors, then, are wrong. 


If the desperate situation at New York’s Bellevue hospital during the 2012 Hurricane Sandy disaster means anything, it’s that medical institutions are having a difficult absorbing the lessons of Katrina. While it’s true that Bellevue has much better outcomes than Memorial, mainly due to smarter use of limited resources, it’s also true that lessons about preparing facilities for disasters haven’t been learned, and that government emergency response teams remain confused, disorganized, and underfunded. 

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