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Venkatesh wakes up at 7:30 AM in apartment 1603, in a building at the Robert Taylor Homes in Chicago: the apartment is a crack den known as “the roof” because you can get high there. The den is run by a gang called the Black Kings. Venkatesh is not a gang member, however; he’s a graduate student of sociology at the University of Chicago. He leaves the apartment and goes to visit the Patton family on the 10th floor, telling us that this is “Just another day as an outsider looking at life from the inside” (11).
The book opens during Venkatesh’s first week as a graduate student at the University of Chicago. During orientation lectures, students are warned repeatedly to stay in the safe areas of the city and not to venture outside them: “It turned out that the ivory tower was also an ivory fortress” (12). Venkatesh lives on the edge of one of these safe zones, on the border between the university campus and a poor, black neighborhood. He has recently moved to Chicago from California and spends his time exploring the city. He is especially interested in the poor black neighborhoods; when he walks in these areas he is the subject of intense scrutiny but feels perfectly safe. As an Indian man, he is a rare sight in these places but he notes that “as alien as I was to these folks, they were just as alien to me” (12).
Venkatesh then introduces some of the basic ideas of sociology, explaining that sociologists usually collect large amounts of information using survey and then translate the results into statistical data. This is the quantitative approach and has been criticized by some sociologists, who prefer to “observe” the subjects—the people—of their research in a more intimate way. Venkatesh favors the observational approach, as he finds that quantitative methods are often too abstract, too far removed from the reality of people’s lives.
During his first weeks at the University of Chicago, Venkatesh meets Professor William Julius Wilson, a prominent African-American sociologist who researches poverty. Wilson offers Venkatesh a place on his latest research project, investigating how young black people are affected by specific factors in their neighborhoods. Venkatesh is instructed to construct a survey questionnaire and then go out and interview people. He soon realizes that he has no idea how to do so.
Venkatesh tells us that he has started running in Washington Park, even though students have been warned against going there. He becomes friendly with a group of elderly black men and spends a lot of time listening to their stories about Chicago history and politics and the history of gangs in the city. Until he meets these men, he has had very little exposure to African-American culture. They are adamant about the reality of racism in America, telling him that there are two cities in Chicago, one black and one white. Venkatesh is surprised by their pessimism about the possibility of changing this reality and becomes more and more interested in urban black experiences. Sensing his enthusiasm, the men suggest he speak to young black people.
One weekend, Venkatesh, armed with his survey questions, tries to do just that. He travels to the Lake Park projects in Oakland, one of the poorest areas of Chicago. He describes the projects as “a study in joyless monotony, he buildings clustered together but set apart from the rest of the city as if they were toxic” (16). As he approaches one of the high rise apartment buildings, he sees men dealing drugs in the doorways; the lobby is dirty, cold and loud. As he walks down a corridor in search of the stairs, he feels a hand on his arm and a man asks him what he’s doing there. He explains that he wants to interview families in the building for a research project but is told that no one lives here. He will later learn that this is a common tactic to get rid of unwelcome visitors such as social workers and teachers. Venkatesh leaves and tries his luck in another building. Climbing the stairs, he is struck by an overpowering smell of urine. He comes across a group of young men gambling on one of the landings and they demand to know who he is. Again, he explains himself and is again told that no one lives here. These men don’t believe he is a student, however, and he is effectively taken hostage for the night.
It turns out that these men are members of the Black Kings (BKs), a prominent Chicago gang known for their involvement in the drug trade. The BKs suspect that he is a spy sent by a rival “Mexican” gang and search his bag. One of them demands that Venkatesh ask him the questions he has prepared. The first one is: “‘How does it feel to be black and poor?’” (19). He feels ridiculous asking the question out loud and the gang members just laugh and continue arguing about who he is.
Eventually the “boss”, J.T. arrives and asks what’s going on. J.T. takes Venkatesh more seriously than his men do and seems disappointed by the questionnaire. He rejects the terms “black” and “African-American” in favor of “Nigger”, explaining that “African-Americans live in the suburbs. African-Americans wear ties to work. Niggers can’t find no work” (20). He tells Venkatesh that he won’t learn anything with his survey; the only way to understand their lifestyle is to live it.
Venkatesh is forced to spend the whole evening on the stairwell, drinking beer with the Black Kings. While he tries to ask them questions pertinent to his research, they are more concerned with the impending demolition of the Lake Park projects and the loss of one of their best locations for selling drugs. J.T. comes and goes throughout the night but takes an interest in Venkatesh, asking where he’s from and complaining that he hated sociology when he was in college; he also warns Venkatesh about the dangers of walking around the projects on his own. In the morning, J.T. lets him leave.
Returning to his apartment, Venkatesh has a lot to think about. He’s interested in learning more about gangs and how they operate but is worried Professor Wilson won’t approve. He feels he has no one to talk to. Despite these reservations, he thinks J.T. is right and that in order to learn more about gangs and their role in poor, black neighborhoods he has to spend time with people like the Black Kings and observe how they live. He returns to Lake Park to find J.T., bringing a six-pack of beer with him. To Venkatesh’s delight, J.T. agrees to let him hang out with them; they spend the day outside, talking casually and playing basketball with other members of the Black Kings. After a short absence, J.T. orders his men into their cars; he doesn’t invite Venkatesh to accompany them, but tells him to come back next week. They shake hands.
The short preface provides a startling vignette of Venkatesh’s life during the period he spent researching the Black Kings. The drama of this scene intrigues readers and makes us curious about how and why a graduate student is spending the night in a crack den. The juxtaposition of this chaotic scene with the domesticity of the Patton family home also foregrounds the diversity of life in the projects that the rest of the book explores: these communities are not just made up of gangs and drug addicts, ordinary families live there too. The preface also places the narrative focus on Venkatesh himself: his research might be about poverty and community in the Chicago projects, but this book is about his experiences.
The first chapter opens with Venkatesh’s orientation at the University of Chicago. He is immediately made aware—for reasons of personal safety—of which areas of the city are safe and which are not. Venkatesh largely ignores these rules and starts running in Washington Park, which students have been told to avoid. His dismissal or rejection of these established boundaries between “good” spaces and “bad” spaces only increases during the course of his fieldwork, as he spends more and more time in the projects.
During his conversations with a group of older black men in the park, Venkatesh comes to consider the way space and race are connected in Chicago. One of the men, Charlie, tells him that there are “two kinds of whites in this city” (15), there are those who will “beat [black people] if you come into their neighborhood. They live around Bridgeport and on the Southwest Side. Then you got another group... They’ll call the police if you come in their neighborhood…And the police will beat you up” (15). For Charlie, racial tension in the city is partly to do with claiming ownership over certain places in a way that recalls racial segregation.
However, the struggle to control certain spaces doesn’t just take place between white and black people; it also involves people of different social classes. This is suggested by J.T.’s comments about the difference between “African Americans” and “niggers”. For J.T., “African-American” refers to people who have white-collar jobs—that require them to wear a tie to work—and who live in the suburbs. “Nigger”, on the other hand, refers to people who live in public housing and can’t find work. While both of these groups are black, they have very different experiences and they occupy very different kinds of spaces. This might account for Venkatesh’s surprise in learning that J.T. went to college: he didn’t expect someone from the projects to be educated.
In this opening chapter, Venkatesh is also concerned with what kind of sociologist he is going to be—with fashion a place for himself within his discipline. He is more interested in ethnography that in quantitative sociology, with observing and interacting with the people whose lives he is researching than in conducting survey and creating graphs. His concerns about what his professors will think of his research recurs throughout the book as he is forced to confront difficult ethical questions about his research and himself.



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