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Until the publication of this book, it was conventional wisdom that external entities, such as central governments, had to manage common pool resources (CPRs). Those using the CPR were deemed incapable of successful management and/or organization. Ostrom’s work challenged this assumption, arguing that those using small-scale CPRs are in the best position to determine rules for them and to enforce those rules. As a result, the book became a seminal one in the field and influenced the work of other scholars, who used case studies to test Ostrom’s theories.
Twenty years after its publication, Berge and van Laerhoven concluded that subsequent research has, for the most part, confirmed the validity of Ostrom’s eight design principles for the successful management of CPRs (Berge, Erling, and Frank van Laerhoven. “Governing the Commons for Two Decades: A Complex Story.” International Journal of the Commons, vol. 5, no. 2, Sept. 2011, pp. 160-87). They note that the methodologies have broadened from field studies to quasi-experimental methods and meta-analyses of core characteristics. Additionally, the scope of studies has moved beyond agricultural settings and includes CPRs that cross international boundaries. Ostrom’s work laid the foundation for these approaches.
Ostrom’s work has drawn criticism as well. There are questions about its limited applicability to small-scale settings. Additionally, some scholars argue that the commons should be distinguished from partnerships. They assert that in a true commons, there is open access, and more traditional theories of collective action apply (Block, Walter, and Ivan Jankovic. “Tragedy of the Partnership: A Critique of Elinor Ostrom.” American Journal of Economics and Sociology, vol. 75, no. 2, Mar. 2016, pp. 289-318). These debates demonstrate the ongoing interest in commons management.
In the late 1980s, a group of scholars forged a new approach to political science called “new institutionalism.” This subfield of political science exposed the limitations of behavioralism and rational choice theories. It insisted that the institutional context, including formal rules, influences political behavior and outcomes. In other words, the details of rules matter. Any form of rational choice theory cannot assume uniformity in an abstract model but must instead examine the institutional context. Ostrom adopted this approach in her own work, which was an exciting new perspective of analysis at this time, and applied it in her case studies. Using this approach instead of a behavioral one enabled her to construct a new and innovative theory.
Ostrom’s work is also reflective of another popular trend in political science in the late 1980s. At this time, democratic theory was resurgent. The influential Journal of Democracy was founded in the 1990s following the publication of seminal works in this area by Jane Mansbridge (Beyond Adversary Democracy) and Benjamin Barber (Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age), among others. Additionally, democracy seemed to be on the march, with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of the Soviet Union. Ostrom incorporated some of the key assumptions of democratic theory, such as the importance of participation at the communal level and the need for listening and negotiation. Her frameworks value the participation of those impacted by rules.



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