67 pages 2-hour read

How the Word Is Passed: A Reckoning with the History of Slavery Across America

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2021

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Chapters 5-7Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 5 Summary: “’Our Independence Day’: Galveston Island”

Smith is in Galveston, Texas, at Ashton Villa, where he watches Stephen Duncan reenacting the myth that Gordon Granger read General Order Number 3 from the balcony. The event is the 40th Al Edwards Sr.’s Juneteenth Prayer Breakfast. Smith notes that the majority of the visitors are Black. The event continues with a group of rotating speakers, students from Nia Cultural Center’s Freedom School, along with Stephen as Granger, presenting the history of US and Texas. The presentation includes facts such as the enslavement of Indigenous people in the Americas; the 1528 arrival of Estevanico, the first non-Native enslaved person in Galveston; and a chronology of events leading up to Juneteenth. Smith speaks to Kathy Tiernan, one of the program organizers. She expresses the need for youth involvement as older generations pass on, the idea of community education and alternatives to traditional educational models, and the necessity of interracial community involvement. 


Following a prayer by Reverend Lewis Simpson, Jr., the group sings “Lift Every Voice and Sing,” also known as the Black National Anthem. Smith describes the feeling that washes over him as “[t]he crowd turned into a congregation” (182), noting that this time moved him in a way he had not experienced the countless other times he’s sang the song. Then, the ceremony moves into a procession of speeches from community members, local politicians, and event organizers about the importance of Juneteenth. Grant Mitchell’s speech stands out to Smith as the middle-aged white man expresses that Juneteenth is not merely a day of celebration, but also an opportunity for the country to assess where they are on the path towards justice. This prompts Smith to reflect on the contradiction between Galveston and Texas pride on being the origin point of Juneteenth and the racial disparities that continue to exist in Texas.


Smith meets with Stephen, a member of the Sons of Union Veterans (SUV). Three of his great-great-grandfathers were Union soldiers. This information prompts Smith to reflect on how the dominant historical narrative flattens the complexities of the Civil War. There were many Texas citizens who were Union sympathizers, including Sam Houston, “who served as the first president of the Republic of Texas, in addition to serving as both a senator and a governor of the state” (185). Smith and Stephen’s conversation turns towards the overwhelming experience of Stephen’s first re-enactment. He also shares that he’s well known in the community, and people typically express their gratitude when he wears his blue hat in public, although sometimes Confederate sympathizers express their contempt. 


Smith then details a brief history of Juneteenth celebration in Texas. In the late 19th century and into the 20th century, it served as an open rebuke to the Lost Cause narrative and an attempt to seize the public memory. As Jim Crow policy was enacted, celebrations became less visible and carried out in private homes because the threat of white violence was so great. Public celebration began to re-emerge in the 1970s, and by 1979, Al Edwards, Sr., had successfully introduced House Bill 1016, making Juneteenth a Texas state holiday.


Smith meets with Al Edwards, Sr., although Smith admits that it is hard to understand what the elderly man says. Edwards Sr. was born in 1937, so Smith searches the Federal Writers’ Project database for the testimony of formerly enslaved people who had been alive during Edwards Sr.’s lifetime. Smith includes quotes from Maria Miller, Josephine Ryles, and William Matthews, detailing the horror of slavery, as well as a quote from Tempie Cummins describing her escape after Texas slave owners intentionally withheld the news of General Order No. 3 from enslaved people and continued to illegally hold them in bondage. After emancipation, white terror continued as former Confederates, vexed by the perceived loss of property and social status, enacted violence against the newly free. 


Al Edwards II joins Smith and Edwards, Sr., for the conversation. Edwards II explains that his father had been campaigning for the significance of Juneteenth prior to the 1979 proposal. Edwards, Sr., made compromises with Republican politicians, which he saw as a worthy sacrifice because the bill’s passage would be “an extension of the work put into motion by the civil rights movement” (194). The passage of the bill served as the precursor for the bill that made Martin Luther King Jr. Day a federally recognized holiday. Reflecting on his experience of the first celebrations after Juneteenth became official, Edwards II notes its intentional framing as an Independence Day for Black people. 


Smith visits Galveston’s Old Central Cultural Center, where he meets with Sue Johnson, a Juneteenth organizer for over 30 years. Johnson emphasizes the need for educating young people so that they understand not merely the celebratory aspects of Juneteenth, but also its historical significance. For Johnson, this historical study should include a connection to the history of Africa, rather than beginning with enslavement. Noticing the lack of conversation around connection to African history and the prevalence of historical preservation efforts that centered white history, Johnson founded the Nia Cultural Center. Johnson believes that such history-based cultural education has the power to alter how Black children navigate the world. 


Smith then visits Emancipation Park where he meets with Jackie Bostic, the great-granddaughter of one of the formerly enslaved men, Jack Yates, who purchased Emancipation Park in 1872. Emancipation Park is the site of the oldest Juneteenth celebrations, and it was a centerpiece of the Black community moving into the 20th century. However, it became largely neglected by the 1970s, and Juneteenth celebrations there ceased in 2007. The park has since been restored since its designation as a historic landmark and the efforts of Friends of Emancipation Park. During the conversation with Smith, Bostic expresses, like Johnson, that it’s important for young people to know the history and not just the celebration of Juneteenth. At the same time, she recognizes that the school system fails children with respect to the story of Black people’s experience because the school system pushes a narrative that glamorizes the Confederacy. 


Back at Ashton Villa, Smith leans into the balcony myth and imagines what it would have felt like to be in attendance for the moment. He takes in Ashton Villa, trying to capture an image that could remind him of freedom when he needs it. Looking at the Al Edwards Sr. statue, he thinks about how Juneteenth is born of both triumph and tragedy, serving as a reminder to the country that the path to freedom and justice requires proactive and conscious effort.

Chapter 6 Summary: “’We’re the good guys, right?’: New York City”

Smith arrives at the National Museum of the American Indian to begin a walking tour of the Underground Railroad in New York City. The tour guide, Damaras Obi, begins with her Nigerian and Dominican background, emphasizing that the history of slavery and the contents of the tour are world history, not merely Black, New York, or US history. After warning her audience that some of this new information may make them uncomfortable, she launches into a discussion of the difference between the racially based chattel slavery that characterized the Americas and the slavery that preceded it. She recounts the history of the Dutch and Lenape encounter on the land, noting that slave labor cleared the land, built homes, and laid the infrastructural groundwork for Dutch settlement. 


Obi then turns their attention to the statues in front of the museum building that represent Africa, Europe, America, and Asia. She points out the characteristics and contrasts of the statues, noting how the symbolism reinforces white supremacist ideology. Smith reflects on how often he’d walked past the statues without considering “how the priorities of genocide, colonization, slavery, and exploitation had been literally carved into these stones and proudly displayed” (214). Smith writes about the high rates of Black mortality in New York during the 17th and 18th centuries, especially after the British took over the land from the Dutch. He also notes the subtle and outright resistance of the enslaved population, including a 1741 arson conspiracy that prompted more shipment of Africans directly from Africa rather than the Caribbean as British demand for slave labor continued to grow.


As the tour group walks through the financial district, Smith learns that Wall Street and Water Street was originally the site of a slave market. He looks around at the banks near the former slave market and reflects on how deeply embedded the financial industry is in the institution of slavery. For example, some the nation’s largest banks have predecessors who not only listed enslaved people as collateral, but also handled the wealth of slave owners and financed every facet of slavery. Smith’s reflection on such entanglement supports Obi’s assertions as she pushes back against the idea that the white people of New York specifically and the North generally were the “good guys” in terms of slavery. 


Although there were white people like Arthur Tappan and Lewis Tappan who used their wealth to fund the abolitionist movement, Smith finds that dominant narratives over-emphasize the role of white people in abolition efforts while diminishing or completely ignoring that Black resistance was the major force behind the abolition movement. He recounts the story of Thomas Downing, a free Black man who used his restaurant as a cover for hiding people making their escape journey. He also posits that, unlike many white abolitionists whose calls for the end of slavery didn’t necessarily entail racial equality, Black abolitionists understood that antislavery and antiracism were both necessary and deeply intertwined with one another. 


As they walk towards the African Burial Ground, Smith speaks with another tourist, Pierre, who is visiting from Hamburg, Germany. Pierre expresses that German education does not teach much about American slavery. He is surprised by the prevalence and extent of racial inequality in the US today, noting that although Black Americans have told him about it, other Americans have acted as if everything is great. Smith and Pierre both agree that the continuation of racial inequality results from lack of acknowledgement that there is a problem and an unwillingness to talk about it. 


Smith provides a history of the African Burial Ground, which contains the remains of 419 free and enslaved Black people buried during the 17th and 18th centuries. Having fallen out of public memory by the end of the 18th century, its restoration and designation as a National Historic Landmark and National Monument was prompted by the federal government’s attempt to build an office tower over the site in 1990. During the government’s archaeological research, they found human remains, nearly half of them from children that were sent to the W. Montague Cobb Research Laboratory at Howard University for examination after pressure from the Black community. In 2003, the research lab returned and reburied the remains in a grand ceremony. Smith sees the African Burial Ground discovery, research, and commemoration as central to New York having to account for its slaveholding past. 


After the tour ends, Smith visits Central Park on advice from Obi. Obi had shared with Smith that Central Park was built on top of Seneca Valley, a neighborhood established by free Black people in the 19th century. As the value of the land increased and white, wealthy New Yorkers demanded a park, the state of New York enforced eminent domain and forcible removal of the Black families to seize the property. Smith thinks about how the present enjoyment of Central Park depended on the violent disruption of Black families. As New York’s “untold history [is] unraveling all around” (234), Smith realizes how deeply embedded the state, its history, and its economic success are built upon slavery. 


Smith then visits Liberty Island to see the new exhibit that reinterprets the Statue of Liberty’s origins. Although the Statue of Liberty is commonly interpreted as a symbol of welcome and promise for immigrants, its original conception by Eduard Rene de Laboulaye was rooted in the celebration of abolition, and its original design by Frederic-Auguste Bartholdi included Lady Liberty holding broken shackles in her left hand. Smith’s conversation with one of the park rangers and historical evidence from Alan Kraut suggest that those who funded the statue’s construction opposed the centrality of abolition to the statue’s symbolism, and instead opted for a story that emphasizes the strong friendship between the US and France. The broken shackles are hidden partially beneath Lady Liberty’s robe. As Smith concludes the chapter, he reflects on how the statue’s design and symbolism would have been different if the broken shackles had remained in Lady Liberty’s left hand.

Chapter 7 Summary: “’One slave is too much’: Gorée Island”

Smith is in Dakar, Senegal speaking with Momar Niang, a Senegalese polyglot journalist acting as Smith’s translator. On the trip to Gorée Island, Niang reveals that he’s never visited Gorée, expressing the shame he feels and his attempt to forget the tragedy embedded in the island’s history. However, he also feels that Senegal needs to be more direct about the confrontation with slavery and how historical realities have shaped present circumstances. Gorée Island, designated a World Heritage Site in 1978, was colonized by the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and French, with the French gaining and maintaining control in 1677 until Senegal’s independence in 1960. It served as a site of the slave trade from the 16th century until France abolished slavery in 1848. 


When Smith and Niang arrive at Gorée, they begin the tour with their guide, Sam, after paying a tax. Smith emphasizes to Sam that he is most interested in seeing the House of Slaves. After Senegal gained independence, the country’s president, Leopold Sedar Senghor, tasked Joseph Ndiaye with researching the house and its role in the slave trade. Ndiaye is responsible for the historical narrative around the House of Slaves, as well as the concept of the “Door of No Return.” Smith stands at the edge of door before stepping inside of the chamber where enslaved people were kept. He notes its smallness and darkness. He then steps inside the Cellule des Recalcitrants, where resistant enslaved people were kept and notes that his eyes never adjust to the darkness and that his bones crack from the cramped conditions. 


Smith and Niang then meet with Eloi Coly, the curator and site manager of the House of Slaves. Coly became assistant curator in the mid-1980s, and he became head curator after Ndiaye’s death. He explains that the site was originally a trading post for European colonial powers to discover Africa’s resources, but it became a slave trading site after the inception of slavery in the Americas. He describes the cycle orchestrated by European powers to keep a steady supply of enslaved people through alliances with local African leaders. However, he makes clear that African allyship with European powers was not a widespread practice and that many African societies formed alliances with one another and resisted. Coly expresses that he sees himself as not only helping the nation reckon with its role in the slave trade, but also in helping to raise the collective self-esteem by presenting a history that begins before slavery and colonization. 


Smith turns to a discussion of the “Door of No Return” narrative. Although UNESCO and the rest of the world have adopted the narrative that millions of enslaved people passed through the door, newer research indicates that the number is closer to 33,000. It also indicates that it is unlikely that anyone passed through the door at all because it would not have been an entrance to the slave ships. When Smith asks Coly about the discrepancy, Coly insists that it is not about factual accuracy but about what the house and door represent. They are symbols of a broader phenomenon of remembering and reckoning. Although Smith wonders if the historical inaccuracies undermine the symbolism, he is mindful of the role that Coly plays as an inheritor of Ndiaye’s legacy and the ways that certain historical narratives serve a people’s sense of identity and national consciousness. Smith and Coly conclude their conversation with a discussion of American plantation sites. Coly’s previous tours of US historical sites helped him to understand the cultural connection between West Africans and Black Americans, but he was also struck by many of the sites’ de-emphasis on the experiences of enslaved people.


As Smith and Niang travel along Rue de Boufflers, they discuss current debates in Senegal about renaming streets that are named for colonial figures. Smith thinks about the parallel to debates in the US over the remnants of slavery. On their trip back to Gorée, Niang discusses his experience of the previous visit and how he could feel pain in himself when he imagined himself in the enslaved people’s positions. Smith notes the deliberate and cautious way that Niang speaks, “as if to avoid psychological and sensory overload” (258). 


They then visit the Maison d’Education Mariama Ba, an all-female boarding school established in 1977 by Senghor and named for a Senegalese author and feminist. They meet the school’s history teacher, Hasan Kane. Kane expresses that he attempts to help students understand the consequences of slavery without paralyzing them, and this attempt involves teaching that African history does not begin with slavery. He emphasizes that colonialism and slavery must be understood as intertwined phenomena, as linked systems of plunder. While he believes that economic reparations could be possible, he is more concerned with moral compensation, apology, and reckoning. For Kane, a holistic understanding of the impact of slavery and colonialism allows children to navigate the world differently. 


Smith then speaks with some of Kane’s teenage students. The girls speak about the brutality of slavery, including the Middle Passage and the treatment of women, as well as the perpetuation of myths and justifications for colonization and exploitation of Africa and its people in the philosophical and literary texts of European writers. When the whole class expresses its disdain for Hegel, Smith notes that “Hegel’s racism is part of much longer, insidious strain” (265) of Enlightenment rationalization of slavery, a philosophy that slave advocates in the US adopted as well. The girls demonstrate an awareness of the impact of colonization on Africans’ self-esteem and how slavery and colonization have shaped contemporary society. 


When Smith is back in the US, he looks at pictures from his trip to Senegal. Coming across a picture of the “Door of No Return,” he writes: “The door could no longer be what I had first imagined, but perhaps it did not to be” (267-268). He is coming around to the idea that historical accuracy may matter less than the symbolism that prompts one to reflect on what slavery meant. He describes how each site that he visited attempts to fill the gaps of history regarding slavery, concluding with the gaps that he as “a Black man in America” (269) is trying to fill about his lineage and who his ancestors were.

Chapters 5-7 Analysis

In the chapters on Galveston, New York City, and Gorée Island, Smith suggests that memory, as the cross point between history and nostalgia, is a central aspect of reckoning with slavery. He states the point most explicitly at the end of the chapter on Gorée Island when he quotes David Thorson from Monticello: “I think that history is the story of the past, using all the available facts, and that nostalgia is a fantasy about the past using no facts, and somewhere in between is memory” (268). However, the idea that memory is central to the reckoning plays an important role in all three chapters. Furthermore, Smith underscores the idea by illuminating the role that myth plays in historical interpretation, and how myth can be used to resist white supremacy. 


In each chapter, Smith addresses the role that myth plays in the site’s historical interpretation. The Underground Railroad tour in New York City includes Obi both leaning into and refuting myth. For example, she espouses the narrative that Wall Street earned its name from a wall built to protect the Dutch from Indigenous American invasion, but Smith corrects the narrative in his writing, noting that it was originally built to defend against the British, but became useful for defense against Indigenous Americans after the Dutch massacred the Lenape people (211). Although Obi leans into the myth, she also pushes back against its implications when she asks, “[s]o did the Dutch need protection from the Natives or did the Natives need protection from the Dutch?” (211) after pointing out the history of Dutch violence and encroachment upon Indigenous land. She is even more explicit in her pushback to myth when she tells the tourists:


One of the biggest lies we are still telling in this country– and I know because I’m trying to combat it– [is that] during the Civil War we were the good guys, right? New York City was good. Everybody else in the South, they were bad. […] When we teach this story to our children, adults, and people outside this country, we lie and we say that New York […] we were never a slave state, we were a free state (221-222).


What Obi demonstrates, especially with the simultaneous embrace of and pushback against the Wall Street narrative, is that myth plays a role in historical interpretation, and sometimes it can be used as part of the memory creation that lies between history and nostalgia. 


What matters, however, is how the myth is framed and what purpose it serves. Galveston and Gorée Island demonstrate the uses of myth to bolster the symbolism of their sites’ reckoning with slavery. For example, at Galveston the audience leans into the myth of Granger reading General Order Number 3 from the balcony of Ashton Villa, and this is what they reenact at the Juneteenth prayer breakfast. The symbolism of this reenactment is two-fold. With Ashton Villa having “served as regional headquarters for both the Union and the Confederate armies during the Civil War, moving back and forth between each of them” (176), the reading from the balcony by a Union general serves as an important symbol of Confederate defeat, which is to say, the defeat of slavery. The symbolism is further magnified by the fact that enslaved people built the home that would come to be a site where the defeat of slavery was announced. 


Thus, the second dimension of the symbolism is its impact upon the descendants of enslaved people. Observing the attendees as the Granger reenactor speaks the words “All slaves are free” (174), Smith notes the reactions of the predominantly Black audience: “Some were physically shaking. Some clasped hands with the person next to them. Some simply smiled, soaking in the words that their ancestors may have heard more than a century ago” (174). The myth creates a symbolic moment where the descendants of enslaved people are able to honor their ancestors’ memory by imagining and/or feeling what their ancestors’ may have experienced. 


At Gorée, Coly is explicit about the fact that myth serves symbolism and that such myth is integral to the creation of memory designed for a specific impact. When asked about the discrepancy in statistical data, Coly responds, “The number of slaves is not important when you talk about memory […]. When we talk about memory, we have to stand in the principles. One slave is too much” (252). To underscore Coly’s point, Smith cites historical anthropologist Francois Richard who finds that the “statistical controversy of Gorée Island cannot and should not undermine its place as a site of memory and reckoning” (252). Furthermore, Smith makes note of the specificity of context and local interpretation in Gorée’s reliance on myth and memory-building as an integral part of its narrative: “The story of Gorée […] is not as simple as which empirical evidence is ‘correct’ or ‘incorrect.’ There are a range of ethical, cultural, and social factors to consider when interpreting the historical significance of a site like the House of Slaves” (253). 


In other words, myth can play a significant role in historical interpretation because it helps to create the memory that bridges history and nostalgia. Smith comes to acknowledge the role of myth and understand its impact and relevance in historical interpretation. With respect to New York, the “good guys” myth places white Northerners in a position to acknowledge slavery’s reality while absolving themselves from the perpetuation of violence against Black people. The “good guys” myth is similar to the narratives espoused at Angola and Blandford, in that it does little to help white people empathize with the plight and experiences of Black people in the country past or present. The “good guys” myth, along with the myths of Angola and Blandford, provide examples of how myth can be used for the purposes of white supremacy. 


However, Galveston and Gorée demonstrate that the uses of myth are not so simple and not always for the advancement of white supremacy. Thus, Smith suggests that when myth creates memory that honors the experiences of Black people, it is useful for reckoning with slavery. At the end of his Galveston villa, he leans into the balcony myth. Not only does he lean in, but he also implies his awareness of the creation of memory and the impact of symbolism. He implies the creation of memory when he writes, “I narrowed by eyes and traced the contours of Ashton Villa’s facade so I would be able to recall it without a photograph. So I could whisper its name and summon its image whenever I needed to be reminded of freedom” (205). His awareness of the impact of symbolism becomes evident as he looks back and forth between Ashton Villa and Edwards Sr.’s statue, noting that Juneteenth is “both a day to solemnly remember what this country has done to Black Americans and a day to celebrate all that Black Americans have overcome” (205). He also demonstrates the awareness as he reflects on Gorée:


When I bent down and crawled inside that small space where I had been told enslaved people who resisted were held, when the darkness of that hole washed over me, did it matter whether enslaved people had actually been held there or did it matter that my sense of what bondage meant for millions of people had been irreversibly heightened? Can a place that misstates a certain set of facts sill be a site of memory for a larger truth? (268)


With Smith’s reflection on and experience of these chapters’ historical sites, he suggests that his acceptance of myth in historical narrative depends on its ability to force one to reckon with slavery and remember the experiences of enslaved people. While previous chapters, especially those on Angola and Blandford, hint at the role and impact of myth in historical interpretation, these three chapters more explicitly acknowledge the relationship between myth and memory and how it can function to end white supremacy rather than bolster it.

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