How to Test Negative for Stupid: And Why Washington Never Will

In these chapters, Kennedy explains how his political persona was formed through a series of challenges set in the political landscape of late-20th-century Louisiana. Kennedy’s strategy is to present himself not as a natural politician but as an outsider—an “unsullied policy geek” (61)—drawn into a system he aims to reform. This persona is built through anecdotes that pit his principled approach against the state’s entrenched transactionalism. The conflict with Senator Mike Foster, for example, is presented as a clash of worldviews: Foster protects higher education commissioner Sally Clausen because of her ties to former governor Edwin Edwards, thus embodying the system of cronyism that Edwards fostered in Louisiana and against which Kennedy presents himself as a reformer. Kennedy’s eventual outburst, of which he says, “I’m pretty sure I called him a son of a bitch” (60), is framed as a righteous reaction against Foster’s personal attacks, reinforcing his authenticity. Similarly, the anecdote in which Edwin Edwards offers Kennedy a spot on a “sample ballot” for $30,000 is presented as evidence that Kennedy rejects the corrupt politics of Louisiana’s past. He depicts Louisiana politics, before his arrival, as a morass of backroom deals, cronyism, and outright bribery. This depiction highlights The Insularity of Political and Media Elites, as the power of an entrenched political machine protects politicians in Edwards’s circle from democratic accountability. In presenting himself as an outsider challenging this corrupt machine, Kennedy provides the moral authority for his later critiques of Washington, suggesting that his principles were forged in a challenging political environment.

Kennedy navigates this landscape and asserts authority through Candor As Political Strategy. His self-portrayal emphasizes bluntness. The anecdotes surrounding his early appointments under Governors Roemer and Foster consistently feature direct, often confrontational actions that cut through bureaucratic inertia. Upon becoming Secretary of Revenue, his immediate firing of two insubordinate civil servants establishes a governing philosophy he articulates: “If you’re going to be a bear, be a grizzly” (79). This statement serves as the thesis for a management style that values decisive action. The strategy extends to his handling of political adversaries; instead of engaging in backroom negotiations, he employs a deliberately provocative public maneuver to force a confrontation and neutralize a threat. The narrative presents this as a necessary, if unconventional, tactic, thereby redefining candor to include strategic aggression. This approach distinguishes his persona from the perceived insincerity of traditional politicians.

The chapters are structured as a series of anecdotes, each designed to impart a specific lesson about governance or ethics. This narrative approach blends personal memoir with political instruction manual, as each professional challenge becomes a case study in Kennedy’s developing philosophy. The narrative arc within each anecdote is consistent: a problem arises, Kennedy confronts it with principle, and a clear moral is drawn. In narrating his refusal of an oil executive’s offer of kickbacks on mineral leases, for example, he conveys his principled mode of governance. The narrative repeatedly crystallizes these lessons into concise phrases, often including regional colloquialisms, such as his gloss on Jean-Paul Sartre: “What you do is what you believe and everything else is just cottage cheese” (74). By structuring the memoir around these self-contained moral victories, the author shapes the reader’s interpretation, presenting a political career as a journey of ethical triumphs. This didacticism reinforces the persona of a leader whose actions are guided by an unwavering set of core principles.

Kennedy’s economic philosophy finds its origins in his tenure as Secretary of Revenue and State Treasurer, where he positions himself as a champion of the ordinary citizen against bureaucracy and elites. The Unclaimed Property program becomes the central vehicle for this narrative. Kennedy presents his oversight of this routine administrative function as a populist crusade to return hundreds of millions of dollars to Louisianans. The narrative emphasizes the human element through specific examples of individuals helped by this program. Kennedy contrasts this proactive effort to help average citizens with his aggressive pursuit of wealthy tax evaders. By detailing his successful efforts to force powerful individuals to pay their back taxes despite political pressure, he constructs a clear dichotomy: He works for the people, not the powerful. This narrative allows Kennedy to present himself as a populist and an institutionalist—normally antithetical positions—at the same time. By ensuring that routine government function work as intended, he can present himself as a champion of the people without challenging the structural issues that lead to wealth inequality in the first place. His volunteer work as a substitute teacher serves a similar purpose, challenging The Insularity of Political and Media Elites by portraying Kennedy as a public servant who seeks direct, ground-level experience rather than relying on the pronouncements of experts.

The Hurricane Katrina episode serves as a capstone for these formative experiences, synthesizing the established themes of populist action and anti-bureaucratic resolve. Kennedy’s actions are depicted as a microcosm of his governing philosophy. He directly confronts the FEMA rule barring pets from evacuation buses, a policy that symbolizes for him the impersonal nature federal bureaucracy. His decision to personally take custody of the dogs and defy a state trooper casts him as a pragmatic problem-solver who prioritizes common sense over rigid regulations. The story of reuniting every pet with its owner provides a resonant emotional conclusion that reinforces his image as a protector of the vulnerable. Furthermore, his post-Katrina focus shifts to economic foresight and anti-corruption measures, where he predicts a recovery driven by federal aid and simultaneously warns against graft. His unsuccessful attempt to pass a bill barring public officials from receiving recovery contracts serves as a final piece of evidence for his reformist credentials.