Kingmaker: Pamela Harriman's Astonishing Life of Power, Seduction, and Intrigue

Averell Harriman was the heir to the Union Pacific Railroad fortune and exceedingly wealthy. Although Averell was notoriously “tight-fisted,” Pamela used his money to give extravagant gifts to her son, Winston, such as an airplane. Author Sophia Purnell thinks Pamela wanted to “win her son’s love with money” (245).

In October, Pamela hosted an enormous wedding reception at Averell’s Washington, D.C. house, 3038 N Street NW, in Georgetown. Hundreds flocked to the “glamorous” event. Pamela wanted to make Averell into a political power player. She decorated the home with pictures of Averell with important world leaders. They gave most of Marie Harriman’s art collection to the National Gallery. However, Van Gogh’s White Roses was given pride of place in the drawing room. Pamela drew on her own Churchill connections to increase her political power. She transformed the Georgetown house into a model of political lobbying with good food, good design, and good service. Averell also agreed to buy a country estate in Virginia called Willow Oaks as a rural retreat for the couple and for hosting events.

Peter Duchin, a bandleader who had been practically raised by Marie Harriman when he was orphaned as a young child, felt “betrayed” by the changes Pamela was making to the properties. He was also upset by being gifted a tie for Christmas when Winston was given a plane. Pamela wanted meetings between Peter and Averell to be “planned in advance” (254) and restricted his access to the house. Peter felt Pamela was his “foe.”

In December 1971, Pamela became a US citizen. She held a dinner party to celebrate with prominent Democrats as guests.

At the time, Averell was obsessed “with ousting [Republican President] Nixon” (256). In 1972, Averell backed Senator Ed Muskie as the Democratic nominee, and Pamela supported his choice. Averell provided a substantial campaign donation and campaigned to be selected as a delegate. However, Pamela drew larger crowds than her husband. When McGovern was selected as the Democratic nominee at the convention, they felt he was “no match” for Nixon, and indeed, McGovern lost the general election. Following Muskie’s loss in the primary contest, Pamela resolved to follow her own political instincts instead of those of her husband. She helped Robert Strauss in his campaign for Democratic National Committee chair; he recognized that her political abilities outstripped those of her husband.

People were drawn to Pamela’s stories about the “towering figures of the previous 30 years,” such as the Churchills and the Kennedys (260). Pamela became recognized as a fixture in the Georgetown social circuit. She included “Hollywood royalty” such as Robert Redford at her parties, which gave her parties additional glamor.

In 1974, the Watergate scandal broke, and Nixon resigned. The Harrimans were “regularly welcomed” to parties at the White House under his successor, Gerald Ford. Pamela made her husband feel he was “still relevant” even as his advanced age and declining hearing meant she was the real force behind their political efforts. He became “nicer” with her mitigating influence. However, he was skeptical that women should be permitted to take part in politics. After a few awkward faux pas wherein he demanded women leave the men to talk after dinner, as was historically tradition, and the women refused, Pamela intervened to put an end to the practice. Purnell argues that Pamela was realizing that “women’s liberation could help her in making her own political choices” (266).

In July 1976, Pamela endorsed Bella Abzug, a “progressive feminist,” in the New York Senate race. During the campaign, Pamela criticized Abzug’s competitor, Moynihan, to Washington Post reporter Sally Quinn. It sparked a minor scandal, and Moynihan won the election. She realized she would need to be more careful when talking to the media.

Pamela backed Jimmy Carter for president and was glad when he won, although they never became close. She allowed rising State Department stars Richard Holbrooke and Marshall Shulman to live at her Georgetown home, which provided her with some access to the Carter administration. Pamela and Averell were seen as particular experts on Russia, given Averell’s experience in the USSR, but Averell was given largely “ceremonial duties.”

Pamela continued to host political events. She was named Democratic Woman of the Year in 1980. Some were critical of the selection due to her salacious past. Indeed, as her husband aged, she likely rekindled her physical relationship with Gianni.

Pamela “upgrade[d]” her public image. Eager to show an interest in art and culture, she befriended Carter Brown, who was tasked with improving the National Gallery’s art collection.

In the late 1970s, there was a backlash against second-wave feminism, and Pamela followed the tide. She presented herself as “a very quiet wife” and “traditional spouse” (279). She also sought to soften her image in advance of Brooke Hayward’s publication of her tell-all memoir Haywire (1977), which was highly critical of Pamela. Publicly, Pamela told friendly reporters she was not hurt by Brooke’s allegations of her vanity and “grasping” nature, although privately she was hurt. Her allies persuaded Brooke not to continue to write about Pamela. Purnell speculates that the tensions with Leland’s children prompted Pamela to “harden her attitude” (281) toward Averell’s children and grandchildren as well. They came to see Pamela as controlling of their father and grandfather. However, Averell told a friend that marrying Pamela was “the best” decision he ever made.

Pamela’s son Winston’s right-wing positions were increasingly at odds with Pamela’s liberalism. For instance, he lost a leadership position due to his support of Rhodesia. Pamela also felt increasingly concerned about Winston’s financial extravagances, many of which she paid for. Most controversial was Winston’s Swiss ski chalet, La Colombière. Pamela was also embarrassed by her son’s affair with Soraya, the wife of Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi.

Meanwhile, the Harriman family finances were managed by Clark Clifford and his law partner Paul Warnke; Averell had selected them for their political connections rather than their financial expertise. This decision would lead to financial problems for the family.

In 1980, Ronald Reagan won the US presidential election. Pamela responded by calling a “war council” of Democratic leaders. She was assisted by her chief of staff, the politically savvy Janet Howard. Janet helped Pamela create a Political Action Committee (PAC) officially called Democrats for the Eighties but known “derisorily at first” as PamPAC (290). She hired Alfred Friendly and Bob Shrum as speechwriters. Foreign policy expert Sandy Berger, chairman of PamPAC, introduced Pamela to 34-year-old former Arkansas governor Bill Clinton. Pamela was impressed with his political abilities, and he became their “public face.” She advised him that it is important to learn from failure.

In January 1982, Pamela delivered a speech to the Joint Session of Congress for the centennial of Franklin Roosevelt’s birth, becoming one of the few women to do so.

Pamela gained media attention for her glamorous political events and “power suits.” She was recognized by Democratic leadership for her political canny and fundraising abilities. She also showed she could be ruthless when PamPAC paid for an attack ad against Democratic Maryland Senator Paul Sarbanes’s opponent. She proved to be highly effective in selecting winning candidates and helped the Democrats gain seats in the House and Senate, including supporting Senator Joe Biden’s 1983 campaign.

Pamela became known for her “Issues Evenings,” where she convened donors, party leaders, and rising stars. She was able to flatter donors so they would feel confident donating to candidates she selected. In 1982, Bill Clinton won re-election for governor. Pamela felt he could run for president.

Pamela modernized the Democratic party operations by building a television studio for the creation of sophisticated campaign advertisements and creating the Democratic Fact Book with party line facts and research. Party officials felt she had become a “substitute party leader” (308).

Pamela constantly pushed herself to learn more, especially about foreign policy with the Soviet Union. In June 1983, Pamela and Averell traveled to Moscow on a fact-finding mission. They met with Soviet leader Yuri Andropov. Andropov was impressed with Pamela; Averell told the leader that Pamela would take over his contact “with the Soviet leadership” when he died (311). Upon their return, Pamela briefed the Secretary of State George Shultz and others on what they had learned. However, they did not publicly reveal that Andropov was sick, which earned them the respect of the Soviets. When Andropov died, Reagan did not attend his funeral. Pamela publicly criticized the president in an interview with Diane Sawyer on CBS for not doing more to improve relations with the USSR. She wanted to keep an open dialogue between the countries to avoid war.

By Christmas 1983, Averell’s cancer had significantly advanced. Pamela was torn between her political organizing and caring for her husband, whose illness and pain made him “bad-tempered.” In early 1984, Pamela purchased a house in Mango Bay, Barbados. She felt he would be comfortable there, while she continued to work from the island. They traveled there on the jet plane Averell had purchased for Pamela as a 63rd birthday present in 1983. Her call sign was N-PH-84, representing “the main focus of her life: the [1984] presidential election” (318).