43 pages 1-hour read

Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1961

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Chapters 3-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “The Insane”

Confinement during the Enlightenment was based on a culture of shame and repression; in order to avoid scandal, all manner of people with supposed moral failings were locked away. Notably, the only subgroup of the imprisoned population that was made visible to the general public was “the mad.” Exhibitions of “madness” were a commonplace occurrence in cities like London and Paris, resembling the display of animals at a zoo. “Madness” thus took on an association with animality that was new to the era. Furthermore, “madness” was not considered an illness; it removed a person’s humanity. Conditions within the institutions of confinement were so inhumane that they could not be justified by “the desire to punish nor by the duty to correct” (81). Instead, a pervasive fear of the animalistic violence of “madness” justified brutalizing the “mad.”


Society’s religious relationship to “madness” was also shifting. Some people recognized “madness” as a Christlike trait, since Christ’s passion on the cross could be interpreted as a moment of “madness.” The Church could thus utilize “madness” as a symbol of humanity’s simultaneous guilt and innocence by virtue of its animality. “Madness” was evidence of a dangerous undercurrent of unreason that was always present.

Chapter 4 Summary: “Passion and Delirium”

In Chapter 4, Foucault examines how Enlightenment thought related passion to “madness.” According to the 17th-century French philosopher René Descartes, passion was the locus where the body and soul met. Medical practice in the 17th century, based on a theory of the humors and spirits, used these “passions” to explain physical reactions to certain emotions. Passions were thought to be a gateway to “madness,” but Foucault argues that “madness” was itself a passion, since it constituted a connection between the body and soul.


Having established passion’s relationship to “madness,” Foucault turns to another related phenomenon, delirium. He asserts that Enlightenment thought defined delirium as an instance in which a man believes his own imagination to be reality. Delirium reveals that “madness” actually operates in a state of logic. For example, an individual who convinces themself that they are made of glass may respond in a number of reasonable ways to that delirious conclusion: they may be so afraid of colliding with something and shattering that they choose to remain perfectly still. Classical thought constructed two forms of delirium. The first kind is symptomatic of an individual’s “madness,” the second is an implicit form of delirium which occurs in any altered state of mind. These two forms encompass the entire range of “madness,” which was not thought to be a pathology of the mind or body, but rather a “delirious discourse” within the mind.

Chapter 5 Summary: “Aspects of Madness”

Foucault enumerates some of the categories into which Enlightenment doctors divided “madness.” He groups these categories into two juxtaposed pairs: melancholia and mania, and hysteria and hypochondria. Melancholia was identified as a form of delirium about oneself. As medicine moved away from theories about humors and toward theories of qualities that move between the body and soul by means of “fibers,” melancholia became increasingly associated with dispositional symptoms, such as sadness. Melancholia was also associated with a general feebleness of the fibers that channeled the movement of these metaphysical qualities. Mania, by contrast, was associated with a hyperactivity of those fibers. Whereas the melancholic patient was observed to be unresponsive to external influence, the maniac was observed to be oversensitive to it.


Foucault presents hysteria and hypochondria as more difficult to analyze within the framework of “madness.” Prior to the Enlightenment, hysteria (a uniquely feminine affliction) was described as s “wandering womb,” or the physical movement of a woman’s uterus throughout her body. In the 17th and 18th centuries, however, physicians gradually came to understand hysteria as a disease of the mind and nerves. When this change occurred, physicians realized that they could not distinguish hysteria from hypochondria, which was also defined as a disease of the mind and nerves. The definitions of each of these diseases were constantly in flux as physicians struggled to justify their belief in hysteria as a disease tied to the female reproductive system. Nevertheless, the invention of diseases “of the nerves,” marked a step towards the pathologization of “madness” as a whole.

Chapter 6 Summary: “Doctors and Patients”

Having categorized various forms of “madness,” Enlightenment physicians set about proposing treatments. Foucault addresses four types of Enlightenment-era cures: consolidation, purification, immersion, and regulation. Consolidation attempted to fortify the weakness of spirit that supposedly underlay “madness.” Iron was thought to be particularly useful for consolidation, and physicians prescribed cures such as the consumption of iron filings. Purification aimed at purging compromised humors that were thought to cause “madness.” Doctors prescribed everything from bloodletting to the consumption of bitters to achieve this. Immersion addressed “madness” by submerging the afflicted person in water. Water therapy became increasingly popular during the period, in part because water’s material flexibility (it could be hot or cold) allowed it to address various theories of the humors. Finally, regulation of movement sought to heal through consistent physical activity. This particular form of cure would continue to be used long after medical science progressed towards a pathology of “madness.”


Foucault divides physicians’ theories of “madness” during the Enlightenment into two basic categories. The first group understood “madness” to be a form of passion, and the second understood it as a form of delirium. The latter group had several different theories of how to address delirium. Some devised medicines that would “awaken” patients from the waking sleep of delirium. Others thought that by engaging in delirious discourse with their patients (i.e., entertaining their delusions), they could ultimately reveal the unreason of the delirium and subsequently unravel it. Still others thought that they could suppress “madness” by forcing their patients to focus on their immediate physical world. These theories marked the very beginning of psychology’s birth, an event which was tied (Foucault asserts) to the moralist attitudes towards “madness” of the previous centuries.

Chapters 3-6 Analysis

These chapters constitute the heart of Foucault’s philosophical analysis in Madness. In them, he elucidates the Enlightenment’s social construction of “madness,” which he believes to be different than that of any other era. The most obvious manifestation of this construction was confinement, which “is explained, or at least justified, by the desire to avoid scandal” (76). While confinement was not aimed solely at the “mad,” it became a definitive experience of “madness” for both those inside confinement and outside it. This era highlights the Shifting Relations Between the “Mad” and the General Population. Exhibitions of confined “madmen” became the medium through which outsiders made contact with “madness,” associating confinement inextricably with insanity in the public imagination. One historical anecdote emphasizes this dynamic: “One went to see the keeper display the madmen the way the trainer at the Fair of Saint-Germain put the monkeys through their tricks. Certain attendants were well-known for their ability to make the mad perform dances and acrobatics, with a few flicks of the whip” (78). Displayed as a spectacle for onlookers, the confinement of madmen communicated to the general public the broader systems of power and repression that Foucault is critiquing throughout Madness.


Another one of the central goals of these chapters is to highlight the fact that institutions of confinement, despite being called “hospitals” in many instances, had no basis in empirical medicine. Earlier, in Chapter 2, Foucault asserted that “The Great Confinement,” asserting that “the Hôpital Général is not a medical establishment. It is rather a semijudicial structure, an administrative entity which, along with the already constituted powers, and outside of the courts, decides, judges, and executes” (49). In these chapters, he further clarifies that Enlightenment medicine was implicit in this power structure. Chapters 5 and 6 reveal that physicians of the time did not base their theories of madness in observation, but rather on a moral logic that was more literary than scientific. Of mania and melancholia, for example, he writes, “the affinity is evident: not the affinity of symptoms linked in experience, but the affinity— more powerful and so much more evident in the landscapes of the imagination— that unites in the same fire both smoke and flame” (141). Foucault utilizes poetic language, such as this metaphor of fire, smoke, and flame, in order to point out how much so-called medicine of the Enlightenment relied on loose associations between images and ideas to construct its logic.


The exploration of Enlightenment cures for “madness” further emphases the absence of hard science in this medical methodology. “Immersion” exemplifies how association played a dominant role in medicine over empiricism. “At the end of the 18th century,” Foucault explains, “the powers of water wane in the very excess of its qualitative versatility: cold, it can heat; hot, it can cool; instead of humidifying, it is even capable of solidifying, of petrifying by cold, or of sustaining a fire with its own heat” (180). Thus, by examining water’s associative qualities, Foucault highlights its nonsensical function within the 18th-century world of medicine—a nonsense so extreme that he argues that doctors at the time became aware of it and subsequently stopped using water cures. This analysis by Foucault begs the question: what was medicine’s primarily role if not scientific progress towards a deeper understanding of mental illness?


By the end of these central chapters, Foucault has primed the reader for his critique of Tuke and Pinel’s Reform movement, which established ethical practices for psychiatric treatment in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Untethered to a coherent scientific method, Enlightenment doctors were more concerned with enforcing their cultures’ moral standards than with observing “madness” either empirically or sympathetically. In characterizing the historical medical field this way, Foucault implicitly critiques modern understandings that view medicine as an inherently progressive force.

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