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Content Warning: This section of the guide feature depictions of racism, antigay bias, and graphic violence.
There are two sites of narrative tension within this graphic memoir. First, activists for civil rights experience external conflict, as segregationists use physical violence against them and certain local organizations, like the Birmingham Police Force and Greyhound officials, present them with bureaucratic obstacles. While these are the primary conflicts facing Lewis and other activists, the graphic memoir also depicts the differing philosophies that leaders within the movement adopt, and how this affects their tactics, strategies, and priorities within their organizations.
There are differences in how prominent figures want to approach the civil rights movement. The first exists between Black civil rights leaders and the largely white body of governmental officials who conceptually consider themselves allies to the cause, but practically advance tactics that Black activists find counterintuitive to their struggle. Lewis has a conflict with Will Campbell, a white reverend who wants to suspend all marching upon threats of violence. Campbell accuses Lewis of being selfish, saying, “What it comes down to is that this is just a matter of pride to you. This is about your own stubbornness. Your own sin” (23). Campbell accuses Lewis of being motivated by selfish, individual impulses. However, Campbell cannot truly understand the embodied experiences and motivations of Black Americans in this time period. Other white allies through the graphic memoir, like Jim Peck and Dr. Bergman, use their white privilege to put their bodies on the line for their Black allies in whatever ways are requested of them.
The other major difference occurs within the majority Black civil rights leadership. There is an ideological divide that is best encapsulated in their approach to nonviolence, though other differences exist as well. On one side are the leaders who think that violence should never be used. John Lewis falls into this category. When he sees resistance as subtle as a protester asking a glaring white passerby, “What are you looking at?!” (112), Lewis thinks he is “starting to see [their] discipline erode” (112). Lewis is so committed to nonviolence as a strategy that he interprets any deviation from it as a loss of discipline rather than a strategic choice. In the memoir, Dr. King also falls into this category, though toward the end of his life he expressed more sympathy toward militancy and resistance.
On the other side are figures like Malcolm X and Stokley Carmichael. These two activists believe that violence is justified when employed to resist racist violence and oppression. Carmichael’s perspective is that it isn’t “his responsibility to be the moral and spiritual reclamation of some racist thug” (112). Lewis and King think that protesters should adhere to behavioral codes to demonstrate their civility and good faith, while Carmichael considers such behavior to be pandering to prejudiced ideologies.
Though Lewis expresses some measure of respect for Malcolm X, he is less sympathetic to Carmichael and is uncompromisingly unsympathetic to both of their approaches. Lewis and others tell Carmichael that they “would like to offer you an invitation to continue your protest activities…elsewhere” (112), essentially kicking him out of Nashville. Similarly, Lewis says he “never felt like [Malcolm X] was a part of the movement” (149). Lewis and others think that they need to have a uniformity of tactics in their fight, so they end up expelling activists whose approaches they interpret as counterproductive.
While there are tensions and differences in strategy that develop internally between various leaders in the movement, ultimately all of these voices have a passionate commitment to the cause of civil rights before all else. Despite their different approaches, they demonstrate the power of collective action and community organizing.
Much of the energy in the civil rights movement comes from young people. Lewis creates a found family out of the Nashville Student Movement, who are drawn together by their passion and bonds as community organizers. While the Nashville Student Movement community provides great individual change and meaning in the life of someone like Lewis, they are also connected to a network of communities of young people dedicated to civil rights. The “stand-ins” they start to organize at theatres are “borrowed from students at the University of Texas at Austin” (17). All over the country, communities of dedicated young people innovate new tactics of on the ground, nonviolent resistance. They then spread these strategies to other groups.
Because groups of activists are networked in this way, even though Lewis meets with extreme racism and violence on the Freedom Rides in 1961, there is a sense that these networked communities are slowly chipping away at racist systems due to the combined efforts of hundreds of communities taking collective action. Within a single page, Lewis celebrates the fact that “theater owners had finally agreed to desegregate” in Nashville” (46) and is outraged by the firebombing of his Freedom Ride bus in Anniston, Alabama. Victories and tragedies often occur in rapid succession.
However, these victories won in communities across the nation bolster activists to take further collective action in the arenas that more people are needed in. When Lewis and his allies are driven out of Birmingham and to the state line by Bull Connor, he calls Diane Nash, who uses coded language: “Eleven other ‘packages’ have been shipped down to Birmingham…John, where do I send the rest of the packages?” (65). Nash is referring to buses full of Freedom Riders. Lewis replies, “Send them to Birmingham, too. Send them all to Birmingham” (65). So many people have become energized by the power of their collective action that they volunteer for more actions, like the Freedom Rides, giving these movements the numbers they need to overwhelm the systems that oppress them and effect change.
This larger dedication to the cause transcends differences that become apparent in the movement. For instance, Malcolm X is part of a subgroup that criticized the March on Washington’s involvement with the administration, but when people express surprise to see him, he says, “Whatever Black folks do, maybe I don’t support it, but I’m going to be there, brother—’cause that’s where I belong” (155). This sense of solidarity transcends differences in ideologies, showing the potential and power of collective action.
As violence against people participating in the civil rights movement grows more extreme, they start to learn how to use media coverage to spread education and awareness about the obstacles they face. They increase their media exposure and interact with the news media to positively influence public perception of their struggle. Both the civil rights organizers and their opponents realize that educating the public about the brutal violence protesters face will sway public opinion in the movement’s favor, reflecting the importance of the nature of media and public perception in the struggle for civil rights.
On May 4th, 1961, as the original Freedom Riders buy their tickets, James Farmer hosts a small press conference with the media. Farmer uses this as an opportunity to explain exactly what the Riders are doing and why they are doing this. Farmer knows that this media coverage is an opportunity to educate the public. He also uses the opportunity to make their nonviolent ideology clear:
If there is an arrest, we will accept that arrest, and if there is violence we will accept that violence without responding in kind. We will not pay fines because we feel that, by paying money to a segregated state, we would help it perpetuate segregation. (36)
Farmer establishes a truthful narrative of the Riders’ plans before a counternarrative can be established by any who might resist them, while also laying out their ethical stance in plain terms. He uses the moment as a free forum for answering questions from many types of people: Illustrations on page 36 show him taking questions from both Black and white reporters. This strategy pays off, as when Lewis is in Alabama with bus drivers who refuse to drive them, he is shocked and heartened that even the CORE’s critics knew their name and their mission. To Lewis, someone knowing who they are and trying to get in the way of what they do is better than people not knowing who they are, since it proves that the media is spreading their message and they are making waves.
The graphic memoir format becomes especially significant when portraying what Americans were seeing through their television screens when it came to civil rights actions. On pages 138 and 139, Lewis watches Bull Connor sic police dogs on participants in the Children’s March. Across these two pages, more than half of the panels show a television in the background projecting scenes of the violence. The SNCC and the Nashville Student Movement use this strategically to “make sure [the images] were seen” (138). This ties media to the power of collective action: The strength of the organizers grows because of the coverage of the violence against them, which helps draw more volunteers and public support to the movement.



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