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Reza AslanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Muhammad’s sudden death from illness in 632 CE left the early Muslim community in an uncertain state, with no public plan for after his leadership, scripture not yet written down, and many Arab tribes ready to rebel. Desiring to find someone pleasing both to the community in Medina and the elites of Mecca, a group of elders (a shura) met and proclaimed Abu Bakr, one of Muhammad’s Companions from the Quraysh tribe and father of Muhammad’s wife Aisha, caliph or “Successor” to Muhammad. Aslan, while acknowledging that lack of contemporary evidence has led to debate, argues that Abu Bakr interpreted this position as a mainly secular role with religious questions referred to scholars who would grow into the Ulama (the community of “learned ones”)—with the caveat that the secular-religious distinction is a modern one with limited applicability. Many wanted a successor from Muhammad’s own Banu Hasim clan, however, and believed Muhammad had designated his son-in-law Ali as successor. Aslan argues that this is plausible. This planted the seeds of the first of many divisions that have continued to mark the Diversity of Islamic Thought and Practice.
Abu Bakr was the first of four “Rightly Guided” caliphs who turned the Ummah into an empire. In the Riddah Wars, Abu Bakr managed to subdue the Arab tribes who had defected or chosen to follow other “false prophets.” Although these were political rather than religious wars, they somehow began the confusion of religious apostasy (renouncing one’s religion) with political treason toward the caliph, and therefore both crimes became worthy of the same punishment: death. Abu Bakr also systematically worked to reduce Ali’s powerbase. He appointed Umar as his successor and the new caliph conquered both Persia and the rich Byzantine provinces of Syria and Egypt. Umar also worked to incorporate non-Arab converts into the Ummah, although they still had to be adopted into an Arab clan. The next caliph, Uthman of the Quraysh tribe, however, acted selfishly to enrich himself and his relatives, alienating many and leading to his assassination. His one major accomplishment is that he (probably) oversaw the collection of traditions into a single authoritative book of Muhammad’s Revelations: the Quran.
Ali reluctantly became the new caliph under the title of Amir al-Mu’manin (“Commander of the Faithful”). Aisha, however, accused Ali of orchestrating Uthman’s murder and rallied the Meccans behind two other old Companions as candidates. Her army met Ali’s force at the Battle of the Camel, the first major Muslim civil war (fitnah). Ali won, only to face an additional insurrection from members of Uthman’s clan led by Mu’awiyah. When he defeated and pardoned these enemies, a faction of his supporters called the Kharijites turned on Ali. He defeated them too on the battlefield, but one of them murdered him in retaliation in 661 CE. Mu’awiyah seized power and founded a new kind of caliphate ruled by a hereditary dynasty: the Umayyads. The Abbasid dynasty overthrew them in 750 CE but gradually lost any real authority over the fragmenting Muslim world. The Ottoman Turks would later revive the title for their massive empire until its end in 1924. The caliphate is now ended, but its history continues to influence debates about how Islam fits into the modern nation state.
This political history of early Islam highlights the multitude of personal animosities and competing visions of the Ummah and caliphate that shook the early community. Abu Bakr and Aisha feared uniting the prophetic and caliphal offices in the same clan. The early version of Shi’a Muslims (the “supporters of Ali”) saw the caliph as continuing Muhammad’s religious role, though Aslan argues Ali himself did not. The Kharijites strove for moral purity and demanded a caliph free from sin. They are the “first Muslim extremists” (133), obsessed with cutting off impure kafirs (unbelievers) from the community. Others believed that human nature and the vast empire made compromise inevitable. As Islam expanded, Muslims had to grapple with the question of choosing between the models of a traditional empire, a neo-tribal system, or a simple and pure desert community unified by faith.
Aslan begins with the story of Caliph al-Ma’mun, who broke precedent to try to impose his theological views on the Ulama (religious experts). He failed, so the Ulama gained control of defining Islam and institutionalizing it into a code for all aspects of life. They emphasized orthopraxy (correct practice) over orthodoxy (correct beliefs). The core correct practices form the Five Pillars of Islam:
All these ritual actions have a communal component meant to bind Muslims together. The profession of faith revolves around the idea of tawhid (“making One”), which animates all Muslim theology and social concern. God is One and utterly unique. Debating the exact implications of tawhid created an array of different schools of thought. Traditionalist members of the Ulama critiqued the speculation of the Rationalists and insisted that one simply needed faith in what the Quran says.
The Quran is considered Muhammad’s sole and supreme miracle as well as the height of Arabic poetry. It is arranged into chapters (Surahs) organized from longest to shortest. As the direct speech of God, it reveals God’s self and, in a sense, is God. Its power (baraka) is expressed by Muslims in calligraphy, especially in mosques, and in public Arabic recitations. The Traditionalist view of the Quran as uncreated has discouraged attempts to reconstruct its chronological creation and contributed to the belief that the Quran has one unchanging meaning for all time.
The code of actions developed by the Ulama is called Shariah and includes overlapping religious and legal elements. Much of it comes from Sunna (traditions or stories of the Prophet collected in the hadith) rather than the Quran. Aslan argues that even with the attention to the oral transmission (isnad) of the hadith before entering written collections, many errors were made, and the criteria for collecting them focused more on justifying ninth-century beliefs than accurately reconstructing what Muhammad said or did two centuries before. Even so, the hadith didn’t deal with every question, so Islamic jurists also recognized decisions from analogy and decisions based on the consensus of the Ulama. By the 11th century, freedom to innovate and rationally argue for new interpretations (ijtihad) of the law had been largely curtailed by the Traditionalist Ulama, who officially recognized only four schools. Development and growth therefore are part of the heritage of Shariah, but some deny that fact today. This is a major problem because “it is practically impossible to reconcile the Traditionalist view of Shariah with modern conceptions of democracy and human rights” (170). These modern liberal ideas require the evolution or rejection of old ideas. Aslan believes that Shariah can evolve if one recognizes that it was originally a dynamic force responding to the problems of its day. Among modern states, Shi’ite Iran alone has tried to explore this more creative path.
Chapters 5 and 6 offer the core of Aslan’s arguments about The Historical Development of Islam. In the Prologue, he stated that Muhammad and the Quran existed “before the faith became a religion, before the religion became an institution” (xviii), and in Chapters 2 through 4 he repeatedly questions whether Muhammad intended to found a new religion. If what Muhammad preached is distinct from the contemporary religion of Islam, the next question is how the religion of Islam arose out of it and whether the institutionalized form of this religion preserves an authoritative—or even accurate—version of Muhammad’s original message. Aslan’s answer to the latter question is largely “no.”
Aslan’s argument moves in two strands: one narrative and emotional, the other an analytic legal history. His storytelling of the first centuries of the Muslim community highlights tragedy. Chapter 5 begins with the gloom of Muhammad’s unexpected death and continues with the story of the reemergence of the Quraysh caliphal antagonists who mistreated the generous and noble Ali, who finally met a tragic end at the hand of extremists for showing mercy. Aslan’s retelling of Ali’s story ends with a panegyric concluding with the Shi’a belief that Ali’s goodness made him “the Proof of God on Earth” (156). Chapter 6 opens with the story of a brutal inquisition of good men such as ibn Hanbal that horrifies the royal brother overseeing it. The pathos of these stories casts the development of Islam in a gloomy light that makes it hard to see decisions coming from that time as worthy of emulation. This sad infighting among Muslims also highlights The Diversity of Islamic Thought and Practice, which makes it difficult to see one of those traditions as authoritative over the others.
The second tack that Aslan takes to separate later Islamic thought from the normative example of Muhammad is legal history. He traces the evolution of ideas of political authority in the caliph and religious authority in the Ulama to show that later principles were once highly debated. By a detailed discussion of who determined legitimate traditions (hadith) and who had the right and freedom to interpret them in ijtihad, Aslan offers a justification for seeing the consensus of the Ulama on issues as an artificially imposed uniformity. Shariah is about power as much as about preserving the original egalitarian message of Muhammad. If this is the case, then modern Muslims can bypass the later consensus of the Ulama to retrieve and reinterpret the Quran in favor of a reformed Islam. This will allow the rediscovery of The Compatibility of Islam and Liberal Democracy—a concern that Aslan will develop in the final two chapters but signals at the end of Chapter 6 in his reference to the Islamic Republic of Iran.



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