54 pages 1-hour read

No God but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2005

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Key Figures

Reza Aslan

The author Reza Aslan (1972-) is a writer and producer with a deep interest in religion. No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, his first book, was greeted with enthusiasm. Aslan went on to publish several more books on religion and to become an Emmy- and Peabody-nominated producer of shows ranging from The United States of Al to his documentary Believer. Three key aspects of his background shape his work and especially this book: his Iranian American heritage, his faith journey, and his academic background.


Aslan was born into a Shi’a Muslim Iranian family. In 1979, they fled the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution and settled in Los Angeles. Aslan directly experienced as a child not only the rich heritage of Iranian culture but also the hope of the Iranian Revolution, the debates in it about Islam and democracy, and the disappointment some Iranians felt at the direction it ultimately took. Those debates live at the heart of this book. At the same time, Aslan grew up in American culture. He has the firsthand experience to understand the disjuncture and misunderstandings between the two cultures so he can attempt to bridge them.


When he was 15 years old, Aslan converted to an evangelical branch of Christianity. His academic studies in college led him to convert back to Islam. He has said his personal faith leans more toward Sufism, but he retains a broad religious sensibility that incorporates his earlier influences and rejects seeing any one religion as exclusively correct. The range of his religious views can be seen in his associations with groups as diverse as the Chicago Theological Seminary, the Yale Humanist Society (supporting atheists and agnostics), and the International Qu’ranic Studies Association. When he claims in the preface to No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam that religion is a story or language that believers use to talk about a shared spiritual experience and when he opposes the idea of set doctrinal truth, he speaks from his individual collage of experiences. At the same time, the beauty he sees in aspects of Islam (especially Shi’a and Sufi) comes out clearly in his writing.


Aslan’s proposal that religion is a system of language and rituals to build a community also comes from his training in the academic disciplines of religious studies, where it is a commonly used framework to allow comparison of different religions without making theological judgments. Aslan has a Bachelor of Arts in Religious Studies from Santa Clara University, a Master of Theological Studies from Harvard University, and a PhD in the Sociology of Religions from the University of California, Santa Barbara. These different variations of religious studies give Aslan tools that he uses to ask questions about the historical development and social power implications of Islam. After the writing of No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, Aslan renewed his academic connections with two temporary stints as a visiting professor of religion and now is a permanent professor of creative writing at University of California, Riverside.

The Prophet Muhammad

The central figure in Islam is its founder, Muhammad, believed by Muslims to be God’s Messenger and the greatest of God’s prophets. Arabic sources, which Aslan largely accepts, depict him as an imposing man both physically and in personality: broad-chested with piercing black eyes and flowing dark hair and beard. He had a reputation for integrity and charisma even before preaching his new faith. He also had empathy for others, showed mercy when possible (as Aslan emphasizes through his account of Muhammad and the Jews of Medina), and cared deeply about injustice. These characteristics earned him the love of Khadija, his first wife and former employer. Though born into a good family, Muhammad had been orphaned as a child and had few prospects before marrying her. He was a devoted husband.


Muhammad often wandered from his hometown of Mecca out into the desert mountains to think and pray. In Aslan’s reconstruction, the injustices and inequality of Meccan society primarily moved Muhammad to this introspection. His monotheistic beliefs only developed gradually. In traditional Muslim belief, Muhammad had the divine gift of being a devout monotheist from the beginning of his life and distress over the lack of reverence for the one true God drove him out to his solitary prayers. Regardless of why he went out, Muhammad came back to Mecca preaching a message of merciful God and prophesying against the exploitation of the poor. Aslan again disagrees with traditional narratives about the centrality of one God in Muhammad’s early preaching. The Quraysh (the ruling tribe of Mecca) forced Muhammad and his first Companions in 622 CE to flee to Yathrib, later renamed Medina. There Muhammad’s reputation for trustworthiness led the quarreling tribes to accept him as a mediator and eventually leader of the city. He started raiding Meccan caravans and, after a series of battles with the Quraysh, Muhammad returned in triumph to Mecca eight years after being forced into exile. He showed mercy to most of his defeated enemies. Two years later, after continuing to spread his message and power to neighboring Arab tribes, Muhammad died.


For Aslan, Muhammad is an impeccable figure yet still very human in his self-doubt and gradual growth. Ultimately, he always acted with integrity and earned the admiration of those around him. His central motivating characteristic was his desire to protect the poor and the vulnerable.

Caliph Ali ibn Ali Talib

For Shi’a Muslims, the tradition in which Aslan was raised, Muhammad’s true successor was his cousin and son-in-law Ali. They hold up Ali as “the model of Muslim piety: the light that illuminates the straight path to God” (136). Aslan largely upholds this image of Ali as the perfect Muslim and successor to Ali. He explains why the story of Muhammad designating the young Ali as his successor is plausible. He emphasizes the patience and humility with which Ali accepted Abu Bakr’s seizing of leadership upon Muhammad’s death. Ali didn’t complain even when Abu Bakr kept Muhammad’s property for the community instead of letting Ali and his wife, Fatima, inherit it, and even when the shame of it sent Fatima to an early grave. Ali initially refused the caliphate when it was finally offered to him after Uthman’s murder, though in the end he reconsidered and became the fourth caliph. All of this shows Ali’s humility and commitment to the good of the Ummah over his own good. Ali dramatically demonstrated his Muhammad-like mercy when, instead of killing him, he accepted the surrender of the rebel who later found the Umayyad caliphate. Indeed, he became a martyr for that mercy. His refusal to kill fellow Muslims prompted the Kharijites (an early version of modern fundamentalist fanatics in Aslan’s view) to murder Ali.


Aslan admits that Ali’s views of his role as caliph are hard to reconstruct. He speculates that Ali did not have the belief in the caliph as the ultimate religious authority that later Shi’a Muslims did. Rather he sees Ali’s main preoccupation as restoring the “Ummah as a divinely inspired community that could no longer abide the imperial ideas of the Shi’atu Mu‘awiyah or by the neo-tribal precedents of Abu Bakr and Umar” (133). Islamic society was to be something new that differed essentially from the dominion of oppressive emperors in a Muslim guise or a return to a fossilized version of divided and unequal tribes. Not coincidentally, this is similar to Aslan’s own view of how modern Islamic states need to evolve: “But if one were truly to rely on the Medinan ideal to define the nature and function of the Islamic state, it would have to characterized as nothing more than the nationalist manifestation of the Ummah” (257).

The Quraysh Tribe

Ali’s rivals were caliphs chosen from the Quraysh tribe, who serve as the main antagonists in the first half of Aslan’s book. The Quraysh authored the social inequality and injustice in Mecca that provoked Muhammad to begin preaching. Under the leadership of their founder Qusayy, they gained an economic, religious, and political stranglehold on Mecca before Muhammad’s time by gaining control of the Ka‘ba. They used this power to enrich themselves, prevent challenges to their power, and so be able to ignore the plight of Meccans who were poor or did not belong to their tribe.


Aslan consistently uses “Quraysh” rather than “Meccans” to describe the opponents who drove Muhammad out of Mecca and then fought him after he started raiding their caravans. The implication is that the average Meccan did not oppose Muhammad and, indeed, welcomed him back with open arms when given the chance. Aslan also suggests multiple times that passages in the Quran urging violence against polytheists were meant to target the oppressive Quraysh, making this group indirectly responsible for the scriptural verses used by subsequent Muslim groups intent on attacking non-Muslims.

Khadija

Aslan introduces Khadija, Muhammad’s first wife, as an “enigma”: “a wealthy and respected female merchant in a society that treated women as chattel” (33). We know little about her background other than this fact and that she was a widow whose hand many men sought. She ultimately chose Muhammad, who had guided a caravan for her, and so gave Muhammad a secure and respected position in Meccan society before he began his prophetic career. When he had his first revelations, Khadija became one of his first converts.


Aslan argues that Khadija’s moral support played a key role in encouraging Muhammad to overcome his initial doubts. He suggests that her death immediately before Muhammad’s flight from Mecca significantly weakened his ability to remain in the city’s increasingly hostile environment. Their monogamous partnership seems to have been one of love and trust that likely influenced Muhammad’s later teachings on women and marriage.

Aisha

Muhammad married several more women after Khadija’s death, including the young Aisha. He became engaged to her when she was only nine years old, which has been the source of some contemporary attacks on Muhammad’s character. Aslan angrily refutes these charges of pedophilia by explaining that this was simply a political alliance with Abu Bakr (a prominent disciple from the Quraysh tribe and future caliph). Furthermore, they did not consummate the marriage until Aisha reached puberty, a normal age of marriage in tribal Arabia.


Aisha became a close confidant to Muhammad and features prominently in many hadith. Consequently, many modern Muslim feminists look to her as an example. Aslan, however, prefers to focus on the less well-documented Khadija. Aisha primarily enters his account as one of Ali’s antagonists. After a history of tension between the two, Aisha opposed Ali when he finally became caliph after Uthman’s murder. She accused Ali of orchestrating the murder of his rival in order to finally seize power, and she worked with two alternate contenders to raise an army in a failed bid to stop Ali. According to Aslan, Aisha’s opposition was simply malicious. She “did not really believe Ali was responsible for Uthman’s death; even if she had, it is unlikely she would have cared” (130). Aisha is cold, calculating, and obsessed with her own position and petty grievances. Rather than seeing her as an example of the importance of women in early Islam, Aslan paints her as a dark foil to Ali’s humility and generosity.

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