73 pages • 2-hour read
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Nostromo presents revolution as a vapid national pastime. In Sulaco, political upheaval is so frequent that it ceases to mark genuine historical change and instead becomes the condition of stability itself. Governments rise and fall, generals march and counter-march, yet the social and economic order remains fundamentally unchanged. The novel repeatedly frames revolutionary speech as performative rather than substantive, a succession of meaningless slogans and trite phrases recycled by successive factions who inherit the gestures of revolution without its substance.
The ruling elites and foreign investors survive each upheaval with minimal disruption—even the deposed dictator Ribiera, with Nostromo’s help, manages to escape with his life—while the populace endures the devastation of successive wars with little improvement in their material conditions. Revolution thus becomes a permanent state, stripped of urgency and moral force, rather than a decisive event. The irony is that this perpetual instability itself becomes predictable. The language of liberation grows hollow, a set of slogans detached from action. In this sense, Nostromo portrays revolution not as a threat to order but as one of its mechanisms. The forms of rebellion persist precisely because they do not endanger the deeper structures of control, particularly the dominance of “material interests” (221), which endure regardless of who is in charge of Sulaco.
The emptiness of revolutionary rhetoric becomes clear in the contrast between the different figures who claim to oppose or manage upheaval. Martín Decoud advocates a counterrevolutionary project in which Sulaco secedes from Costaguana, presenting separation as a rational alternative to endless coups. Yet Decoud’s stance is grounded less in political principle than in personal detachment and disdain. He openly despises his native country and treats politics as an intellectual game, admitting his indifference to the fate of the people involved. The separatist state of his fantasies is a mirror of himself. Charles Gould, by contrast, insists that stability is his goal, but the only stable order he prizes is one with him at the top. His vision of progress is inseparable from foreign capital and private profit. Pedro Montero represents yet another variation. He invokes the language of workers’ rights and popular justice, yet his aspirations are as transparently self-serving as Gould’s. His dream is not collective emancipation but personal elevation into European luxury, financed by the spoils of power. Other revolutionary leaders, such as Sotillo, follow the same pattern, exploiting rebellion as a means to loot and enrich themselves.
Against this landscape of hypocrisy stands the solitary figure of Giorgio Viola, whose presence emphasizes the ideological poverty of Sulaco’s revolutions. A veteran of the Italian Risorgimento (the movement that unified Italy in 1861), Viola carries the memory of a struggle animated by genuine sacrifice and belief. Unlike the Costaguanan revolutionaries, he has known defeat and endured the collapse of his ideals. His retreat into a modest life in Sulaco is not an escape from politics but a silent judgment upon it. His reverence for Giuseppe Garibaldi—the Italian general who led the military arm of the Risorgimento—and his repeated invocations of “liberty” (14) are remnants of lived experience. The novel emphasizes this contrast by isolating Viola from the main currents of power. He is poor, marginal, and ultimately tragic, yet he alone embodies a revolutionary spirit grounded in selflessness. Through Viola, the novel suggests that true revolution requires sacrifice, memory, and moral risk, qualities absent from Sulaco’s endless cycles of revolt. His presence exposes the hollowness of the others’ revolutionary talk. Viola stands as a reminder of what revolution once meant and of how far Sulaco has fallen from that ideal.
Nostromo presents Sulaco as a space shaped by colonial intrusion and the extraction of wealth, a region whose history and identity are inseparable from European and North American intervention. From the outset, Sulaco’s isolation is less a source of autonomy than an invitation to exploitation. The San Tomé silver mine, described by the Europeanized Decoud as “the greatest fact in the whole of South America” (144), transforms Sulaco from a neglected province into a focal point of global interest. European capital, British investors, and North American political influence reshape local economies by subordinating them to external priorities. Political revolutions, borders, and alliances shift in response to the needs of international finance. The mine is guarded by international agreements, foreign gunboats, and diplomatic pressure, all of which protect wealth while remaining indifferent to local suffering. Colonialism thus operates not only through formal rule but through economic dependency: So long as the mine remains the chief economic engine of the town, local people’s lives will continue to be shaped by wealthy outsiders. Sulaco’s past is rewritten as a prelude to foreign investment, and its future is imagined only in terms of continued productivity.
This system of extraction gives rise to a local elite whose authority derives from its proximity to foreign power rather than from communal legitimacy. Families such as the Goulds, the Ribieras, and other members of “the best families” (244) dominate Sulaco’s social life by aligning themselves with European norms of respectability and economic rationality. Charles Gould’s inheritance of the mine places him at the apex of this hierarchy because he controls the flow of silver that sustains the region’s relevance. The Goulds’ home becomes a cultural enclave in which European manners, language, and assumptions prevail, distancing the elite from the broader populace. This separation shapes local culture by normalizing inequality and treating exploitation as progress. The ruling class internalizes colonial values, equating order with profitability and civilization with foreign approval. Even gestures toward reform are framed through the logic of extraction. Gould insists that the mine will bring peace, claiming that “material interests” (374) will impose stability where politics has failed. Yet this vision excludes the laborers whose lives are consumed by the mine’s demands. Colonialism thus produces a social structure in which power flows upward, reinforcing cultural alienation.
Despite its detailed critique of colonial exploitation, Nostromo maintains a fatalistic skepticism toward efforts to amend this system. On one hand, Conrad exposes the dehumanizing effects of extraction with relentless clarity. The mine dominates the landscape and the imagination, reducing people to instruments of production and loyalty to questions of utility. Characters repeatedly acknowledge that silver, not ideals, governs events, which underscores the novel’s critical awareness of how colonial economics hollow out political life. Yet the novel also portrays colonialism as an almost elemental force, operating with the inevitability of geography or weather. Foreign intervention appears unstoppable, driven by global systems rather than individual malice. Even characters who recognize the injustice of extraction feel powerless to resist it.
This tension raises the question of whether the novel condemns colonialism or merely records its workings. Conrad’s narrative voice often adopts a detached tone that mirrors the impersonal nature of economic domination, suggesting that colonialism is less a moral failing than a structural reality. At the same time, the human costs are unmistakable. Nostromo himself, initially celebrated as incorruptible, is ultimately destroyed by his proximity to silver, his identity eroded by the same forces that shape Sulaco. The novel thus critiques colonialism by showing how it distorts character, culture, and history. Colonialism appears both as a man-made system of exploitation and as a force that overwhelms individual agency. Nostromo presents the extraction of wealth as a process at once profoundly unjust and grimly entrenched in the modern world.
Nostromo presents class inequality as a foundational reality of Sulaco. The clearest site of exploitation is the San Tomé silver mine, owned by Charles Gould, whose rhetoric of order and progress masks a system built on the production and maintenance of a permanent underclass of laborers whose economic vulnerability renders them exploitable. Gould conceives of the mine not simply as property but as a civilizing force, insisting that the success of the mine will bring stability to Costaguana. This belief frames inequality as necessary: The stable order Gould idealizes takes the form of a rigid social and economic hierarchy, with capitalists like himself at the top and laborers in a position of permanent dependency.
The laborers who work the mine appear only intermittently in the narrative, but their absence is itself significant. They are rendered invisible as individuals, absorbed into what Gould repeatedly calls “material interests” (374), a repeated phrase that abstracts human labor into economic function. They wear green-and-white uniforms that effectively mark them as property of the mine—sparing them from the routine abuse to which poor people in Sulaco are typically subject, but rendering their individual humanity invisible. Gould’s moral certainty allows him to dissociate himself from the human costs of extraction. His belief that the mine represents progress depends on ignoring the inequality it produces. The local elite, clustered around foreign capital and inherited privilege, treat labor as an expendable resource. Their sense of superiority is reinforced by social distance and cultural refinement, which justify exploitation as the natural order of things. Nostromo thus portrays class exploitation not as overt cruelty but as structural indifference, maintained by pride, ideology, and the normalization of inequality.
Nostromo himself occupies a paradoxical position within this system, serving as a mediator between capital and labor while remaining excluded from both. Celebrated as the “perfectly incorruptible” (94) man of the people, he is indispensable to the elite precisely because he commands the loyalty of the working classes. His physical strength, charisma, and reputation allow him to manage dockworkers, lead dangerous missions, and suppress disorder. In this sense, Nostromo functions as a buffer, absorbing class tensions without resolving them. The frequent revolutions in Sulaco play a similar role. They provide an outlet for popular frustration while leaving the underlying structure untouched. These uprisings are cyclical and performative, moments of violence that rearrange political offices but preserve the underlying apparatus of colonial extraction. Nostromo participates enthusiastically in these events, enjoying the visibility and recognition they grant him. Yet his actions ultimately reinforce the status quo. He restores order on behalf of the very elites who benefit from exploitation. Nostromo’s role within this cycle highlights the tragic irony of his position. He believes himself to be a man of the people, yet his labor is consistently mobilized to protect elite interests. His pride in his usefulness blinds him to the fact that he is instrumentalized, valued only so long as he remains obedient and effective.
The significance of Nostromo’s pride emerges most sharply in his growing sense of personal exploitation. As he undertakes dangerous tasks, he begins to feel that his sacrifices are taken for granted. He resents the way his courage and loyalty are assumed rather than rewarded. This recognition marks a crucial shift in his self-perception. Nostromo becomes aware that he is exploited, but he understands this exploitation only in individual terms. His grievance is not with the system of labor extraction but with the lack of acknowledgment accorded to him personally. This limitation is central to his tragedy. He does not extrapolate his experience to the broader class of workers whose labor sustains Sulaco. Instead, he imagines himself as exceptional and thus as uniquely wronged. His pride prevents him from feeling solidarity. Rather than questioning why labor is systematically undervalued, he seeks what he believes is his proper share of the mine’s wealth. Nostromo’s sense of injustice becomes inward and possessive rather than collective. He internalizes the values of the elite, equating worth with ownership and recognition. In doing so, he mirrors the logic that exploits him. His failure to connect personal grievance with structural exploitation underscores the bleak vision of class consciousness in Nostromo. Ambition transforms a potentially revolutionary awareness into private resentment. The novel thus suggests that exploitation persists because natural leaders like Nostromo are encouraged to envision themselves rising above their peers rather than working toward equality for all.



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