93 pages 3-hour read

Politics Among Nations

Nonfiction | Reference/Text Book | Adult | Published in 1948

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Part 10Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 10: “The Problem of Peace: ‘Peace Through Accommodation’”

Part 10, Chapter 31 Summary: “The World Community”

Four Tasks of Diplomacy


There are four tasks for diplomacy: determining a possible objective, having a knowledge of other nations’ objectives, comparing their nation’s objectives with those of others, and “employ[ing] the means suited to the pursuit of its objectives” (564). Diplomacy also has three tools for achieving its objectives or blocking the objectives of other nations: “persuasion, compromise, and threat of force” (565).


Instruments of Diplomacy


Diplomats have two “organized instruments” (566): foreign offices and diplomatic representatives. There are also three functions that diplomats fulfill for their nations. One is the symbolic role that they play as representatives of both the government and the nation as a whole. Additionally, diplomats are legal representatives who are enabled to fulfill legal duties such as agreeing to treaties and offering legal protections to their nation’s citizens in foreign nations. Finally, diplomats are diplomatic representatives who convey the political objectives and needs of their government and assess the goals of other nations.


The Decline of Diplomacy


After World War I, the direct influence of diplomats over their government’s foreign policy declined. The speed of modern communication technologies meant that governments no longer relied on diplomats with the autonomy to act in their negotiations with foreign governments. Furthermore, in the modern era, diplomats are often perceived as being secretive and untrustworthy; this is largely because World War I was blamed on the secret dealings of diplomats.


The decline in diplomats’ influence was also accelerated because diplomats’ negotiating abilities has mattered less, given that diplomacy has become a democratic matter that is addressed through the General Assembly of the United Nations. At the same time, the United States has seen a decline in the quality of diplomacy since World War II, as well as a gap between public knowledge and diplomacy. The Soviet Union has also seen a decline in diplomacy due to its isolation from other nations and the totalitarian nature of its government. The very nature of the Cold War, with only two nations having a disproportionate influence over world affairs, has made diplomacy less important.

Part 10, Chapter 32 Summary: “The Future of Diplomacy”

How Can Diplomacy Be Revived?


The nature of “parliamentary diplomacy” often worsens national tensions (576). This dynamic has been caused by the nature of the Cold War and the power of public opinion and propaganda in the modern era, which have turned diplomacy into a “propaganda match” (579). Leaving diplomatic matters to a majority vote means that a strong minority of nations will remain alienated. In addition, diplomacy by majority vote causes “fragmentation” (582), meaning that only one specific issue among various related issues or an aspect of a broader tension is addressed.


The Promise of Diplomacy: Its Nine Rules


In order to revive diplomacy, Morgenthau makes nine proposals. The first is removing the “crusading spirit” in diplomacy (585), which is the idea that diplomacy should support spreading an ideology to other nations. The second and third proposals state that diplomacy must assume the independence and territorial integrity of all peaceful nations as a baseline and must take into account the self-interest of other nations. Next, diplomacy must be open to compromise on issues that are not “vital” to the nation.


The last five rules stipulate the nature of compromise. A nation’s diplomats should distinguish between rights that are no more than empty products of propaganda and the real rights that are consequential for a nation and its people. Also, a nation should not diplomatically enter a position from which it “cannot retreat […] without incurring a serious loss of prestige” or from which it “cannot advance […] without exposing itself to political risks” (589).


A strong nation should never center its foreign policy around the interests of a weak ally. The interests of the military should not dominate a nation’s foreign policy, nor should a government completely submit itself to public opinion. Instead, a politician “must strike a prudent balance” between “adapting” to public opinion and working to influence it in order to support specific policies (591).


Although diplomacy has failed to prevent wars in the past, it has also been successful in preventing wars, and it is still the best hope for establishing an “international society” that can better guarantee peace. Even so, in the time of the Cold War, diplomacy needs to be “revived” in order to improve the chances of peace and lay the groundwork for a world state.

Part 10 Analysis

On the surface, Morgenthau’s ultimate solution to the problem of peace and modern war revives the importance of diplomacy, but his solution also addresses The Concept of National Interest. Idealist approaches to peace attempt to achieve lasting unity via increasingly complex efforts toward international cooperation. Ironically, despite Morgenthau’s classical realistic orientation, he agrees with the end goal of idealism. As he asserts, “If the world state is unattainable in our world, yet indispensable for the survival of that world, it is necessary to create the conditions under which it will not be impossible from the outset to establish a world state” (562). In other words, the end goal should be a universal shift in how people think of national sovereignty. However, this feat cannot be achieved through reforms on a global or even a multinational scale. Instead, because the main obstacle is something local and situational (like national self-interest), the solution should likewise be local and situational.


Still, there is a universal aspect of Morgenthau’s proposed solution. The Limitations of International Law and Morality make the idealist solution of relying on international institutions impractical. Even then, Morgenthau argues that in order to prepare diplomats to handle international situations in a way that will lay the groundwork for a more globalized society, there must be a restructuring or revival of diplomacy itself. This step is necessary for “the new task of creating and maintaining institutions and procedures through which the new common interests of nations can be pursued” (575). In a way, this idea harkens back to Morgenthau’s idealization of 18th-century Europe as an “invisible nation” (235). Likewise, diplomacy that is uncontaminated by the ideological conflict between American democracy and capitalism and Soviet communism could be used to construct another shared international consensus and culture.


Essentially, Morgenthau argues for an approach that considers both the limitations of international institutions like the United Nations and what he sees as the overriding fact of national self-interest. While Morgenthau does arguably seek the same broad goal as those who subscribe to the idealist view of international relations, he disagrees on the problems to be addressed. At the root of this difference lies the fact that Morgenthau is applying the Hobbesian concept of civil society to international relations, even though he admits that nations would never surrender a significant portion of their sovereignty in order to create a centralized, stabilizing authority. Morgenthau makes the connection between the Hobbesian view of civil society and international relations when he writes, “As the integration of domestic society and its peace develop from the unspectacular and almost unnoticed day-by-day operations of the techniques of accommodation and change, so the ultimate ideal of international life […] must await its realization from the techniques of persuasion, negotiation, and pressure, […] the traditional instruments of diplomacy” (592).

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