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Morgenthau argues that order and security exist within states because of the existence of the “state itself” (525). Because of this, one solution to the problem of war and the existential threat of nuclear weapons is for nations to relinquish some or all their sovereignty to an international political institution.
Conditions of Domestic Peace
Peace within a nation between different social groups is guaranteed by those groups’ sense of loyalty to their society and their confidence in the institutions that preserve justice. Members of different social groups can be both friends and enemies; for example, two groups may disagree on politics but may nonetheless share economic interests and other loyalties. Likewise, even members of different social groups are unified by a shared language, culture, values, and so on. Ensuring peace within a society “is the overwhelming power with which society can nip in the bud all attempts at disturbing the peace” through the government’s monopoly of violence or through social pressure (529).
Order and security within a nation are maintained by the state, which Morgenthau defines as “the legal order that determines the conditions under which society may employ its monopoly of organized violence for the preservation of order and peace” (531). However, the state is just one aspect of society. If faith in justice breaks down and the state’s monopoly of violence and the power of law are no longer efficient, then the state cannot prevent a violent breakdown such as a civil war.
The Problem of the World State
If a “world state” is the only permanent solution to war (533), then the remaining question is what form such a world state should take. The 19th-century philosopher John Stuart Mill theorized that governments are either deliberate constructions by people or are “a sort of spontaneous product” (534). Mill concluded that states begin as constructions of human will but operate as though they have a mind of their own.
Morgenthau outlines three conditions that apply to states and asserts that they could also apply to a world government. A majority of people would have to accept the government, agree to maintain it, and follow its requirements. One problem is that there is no world society that would provide the basis for a world government. Additionally, people would not be willing to support a world government under modern circumstances. For example, Morgenthau contends that widespread racism would make it difficult for white people to exist in a world in which non-white races would have majority rule. Also, a world state would require nations to surrender their autonomy over issues of trade and immigration.
Two False Solutions
There are two proposals for creating a world state: one through global conquest and one through the creation of a confederation like the United States or Switzerland. Historical examples of conquest can be found in the Roman Empire and in other empires where the societies of conquered peoples continued to exist or even influenced the culture of the conquerors. Even then, an empire that conquered the world would, in order to function, have to be “a totalitarian monster resting on feet of clay” (538).
In order to create a Swiss-style confederation, there would have to be a series of “peculiar and […] unique circumstances” (540). Likewise, the United States already existed as a society before it became a government after the American Revolution.
The Cultural Approach: UNESCO
The United Nations has actually addressed the fact that there is no unified world community. One method is through the creation of the United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), which exists to promote “collaboration […] through education, science and culture” (542). However, in matters of international affairs, Morgenthau argues against UNESCO’s assumption that educational and cultural contacts will support peace.
Historically, highly educated and cultured people, such as the 20th-century Germans or the Chinese, have launched aggressive wars and have harbored nationalist sentiments. Cultural exchanges also do not help to promote peace, as shown by the fact that during the Cold War, Americans enjoyed products of Russian culture, and vice versa. Furthermore, the wars of the ancient Greek city-states, the Renaissance-era Italian city-states, and the 18th-century nations of Europe are proof that conflict can exist even within a “homogenous culture” (545).
Morgenthau also argues that international understanding does not guarantee peace. One example is that Germans who were opposed to the Nazi Party “had a profound understanding of German culture” (546). Morgenthau therefore asserts that conflicts arise over substantial and incompatible claims.
The Functional Approach
The United Nations has developed autonomous “specialized agencies” that engage in economic and social relations with nations (548). These activities help to promote an “international community” that will develop “from the satisfaction of common needs shared by members of different nations” (549). Nonetheless, the contributions of United Nations agencies do not overshadow the fundamental conflicts between nations or national self-interests.
Other models for a possible world state include the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), European Communities, and institutions for technical cooperation. These are examples of addressing issues that cannot be solved by a single nation “through the co-ordination of technical functions on a supranational level” (552). Still, NATO and the European Communities are regional. Meanwhile, while the technical agencies are potentially “world-wide in scope,” they are also deeply connected to specific issues and are “closely tied to the political interests of a particular nation” (557).
In this section, Morgenthau holds that the only way to indefinitely end the problem of war is to create a world state. This echoes the Hobbesian view that order and an end to violence in civil society can only come from the existence of a strong sovereign, meaning a central government. Morgenthau invokes this view when he writes, “National societies owe their peace and order to the existence of a state which, endowed with supreme power within the national territory, keeps peace and order” (525). Due to Morgenthau’s views on The Limitations of International Law and Morality, he rejects the idealist view that world peace can be achieved by continuing the decentralized international system of sovereign nation-states, whose relationships with each other can be improved through social progress and initiatives to encourage cooperation. The United Nations adopts such an idealist view when it promotes initiatives like UNESCO, which are meant to promote cultural, scientific, and intellectual cooperation. Morgenthau does concede that a world state cannot exist without a true world community, as a “moral consensus” between nations is needed to provide a basis for more tangible forms of international alliances and institutions (477). Morgenthau holds that such an achievement is very unlikely under present-day political and social circumstances.
As necessary as a world government (and a world society) may be to prevent the threat of another world war and stave off nuclear annihilation, The Concept of National Interest remains an obstacle to such lofty goals. Even formalized international cooperation cannot truly overcome national self-interest. As Morgenthau states, “As there can be no state without a society willing and able to support it, there can be no world state without a world community willing and able to support it” (537). This is not to say that such efforts do not matter or cannot be successful in a sense, especially when they take into account “the national interests of the individual nations and […] the distribution of power among them” (556). Even then, for these international initiatives to meaningfully mitigate the threat of war, classical realist theory holds that the issue of national self-interest must first be overcome. A recent example that supports Morgenthau’s perspective is the struggle to rally the international community to address climate change in a global, systemic way, even as opposing ideological and economic interests continue to play out on the national level.



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