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Reflections on the Revolution in France establishes Burke as a major political theorist; this letter served as support for conservative action during different periods of social and political unrest throughout world history. In many ways, Reflections on the Revolution in France aims arguments against any radical or moderate Englishman considering imprudent action during the uncertain times of the French Revolution. However, globally speaking, France is just one of many areas reconsidering historic forms of government like monarchies in favor of more representative modes, like democracies and republics.
With well-crafted allusions to institutions like the nobility and church and pride-invoking, if nostalgic, images of Great Britain, Burke creates a diametric political view to the liberal thought sweeping over Continental Europe. Influential writers like Rousseau and Voltaire and world-shaking events like the American Revolution dominate Western thought, challenging long-standing civilizations to reimagine their once secure place on the world stage. Suddenly, Burke finds himself and his country at the edge of a precipice. If a country with such a long-standing monarchy as France could fall, their King and Queen imprisoned, their nobility threatened, their church impoverished, who could assure that England might not be next?
When Burke hears the radical leanings of Dr. Richard Price’s sermon, congratulating France on its great strides towards liberty, reason, and light, Burke feels he must ensure what happens in France never happens in England, so he pens Reflections on the Revolution in France, chiefly to highlight a need for conservative, rather than radical, action in a time of great upheaval. To radicals like Price, who advocate that such radical action is a good idea, Burke states, “They think that government may vary like modes of dress, and with as little ill effect” (88). Burke strongly disagrees with their sentiment. In fact, he dedicates a third of his letter to exemplifying how England acts with great consistency in its government and spends the last two-thirds explaining the massive complications regarding France’s refusal to provide any consistency in its new government.
While Burke does not advocate radical change, he is in favor of change when it is necessary. For example, in the case of abhorrent suffering or tyranny, he would advocate revolution; however, in most cases, Burke believes reform is the best course of action. Using England’s history, he suggests instead of disposing of long-standing institutions, conservative theory allows for negotiation, which should be the first course of action. He asks somewhat incredulously at France’s refusal to work with Louis XVI: “Have these gentlemen never heard, in the whole circle of the worlds of theory and practice, of anything between the despotism of the monarch and the despotism of the multitude?” (124). He does not state but is likely implying here that France has only to look to England to see an example of such an intermediate option.
Reflections on the Revolution in France contains a number of conservative maxims preaching the virtue of prudence, such as “Better to be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined by too confident a security” (9), and “By a slow but well-sustained progress, the effect of each step is watched; the good or ill of the first, gives light to use in the second; and so, from light to light, we are conducted with safety through the whole series” (170).
Each one implies the folly of overconfidence in self (self being a founding principle of the French Revolution) or radical action (another tenet of the Enlightenment); further, each one reinforces the value of cautious movement, often relying on ancestral or historical tomes for guidance. By this method, Burke shows readers how to achieve a revolution without bloodshed, like the Glorious Revolution: “Because among all their massacres they had not slain the mind in their country. A conscious dignity, a noble pride, a generous sense of glory and emulation, was not extinguished” (48). England retains its order of succession and society; therefore, the shift, conservatively maneuvered, succeeded.
During the Enlightenment, many theories circulated through Europe, particularly those theories on the rights of man, atheism, and corruption of institutions; these notions electrified the French Revolution. In part, Burke lays some of the blame of the French Revolution at the doors of these writers and philosophers. The process, he admits, begins innocuously enough: “Men of Letters, Men of Letters, fond of distinguishing themselves, are rarely averse to innovation” (110). To this end, they write on various subjects under the patronage of several elite, French kings among those. One subject is the nature of man and the natural rights he possesses. However, in championing the self and individual rights, Burke believes these ideas create a sense of over-confidence that proves destructive to society. In giving advice to radical thinkers of his age, he writes, “Your literary men, and your politicians, and so do the whole clan of the enlightened among us, essentially differ in these points. They have no respect for the wisdom of others; but they pay it off by a very full measure of confidence in their own” (87).
The Enlightenment also questions the long-standing power of the church. Burke claims when the Assembly confiscated the church’s land, Enlightenment philosophy enables it to do so because radical thinkers during the Enlightenment minimize the church’s authority. Burke states, “they say the ecclesiastics are fictitious persons, creatures of the state; whom at pleasure they may destroy, and of course limit and modify in every particular; that the goods they possess are not properly theirs […]” (106). Burke muses how he hears the same ideas circulating in radical clubs in England; in turn, the new ideas weaken the long-standing respect people place in the church, making the clergy vulnerable.
Another great fear Burke expresses about new ideas is how quickly and loudly they inspire people into action. One chief complaint he expresses in Reflections on the Revolution in France was the propensity for mob rule: he felt that any laxity in order (lack of king, ruling structure, constitution, etc.) would result in factions with no allegiance to moral institutions (like the church or a king). When he overhears a radical preacher like Dr. Price commending the revolution, Burke implores readers to distinguish noise from meaning:
Because half a dozen grasshoppers under a fern make the field ring with their importunate chink, whilst thousands of great cattle, reposed beneath the shadow of the British oak, chew the cud and are silent, pray do not imagine that those who make the noise are the only inhabitants of the field (85).
Here, he refers the reader back to the image of the strong “British oak” (85) to remember the consistency in land and crown, rather than in radical ideas or philosophies, chanted by radical minorities in the streets (or from pulpits by Price).
One major theme in Reflections on the Revolution in France is Burke’s low regard for building pillars of society like laws and society on abstract ideas. After committing his opinion of the French Revolution to writing, Burke begins in earnest, claiming he cannot really congratulate the French, as many of his more radical political contemporaries do, because he cannot see a tangible government on which to comment. By this, Burke means that he sees no proposal for a government with a means to make law, collect revenue, protect itself, and provide society and means for its citizens. The only thing he does see is the abstract right of liberty promised to its citizens, which he thinks is good, but believes, “the practical matters are good things too, and without them, liberty is not a benefit whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long” (8).
Burke believes grounding a political system in abstract ideals, as the French have done, will cause their ruin. To Burke, abstract concepts are not the stuff of real life governance. On one hand, in its most abstract form, liberty and rights are undeniably a good thing; however, that begs the question why everyone doesn’t have access to those things all the time. It is not because politicians do not want people to be happy, but more so because of the finite amount of resources like land and money available. As Burke states,“[…] their abstract perfection is their practical defect. By having a right to every thing they want every thing” (60). While this system is ideal, Burke argues this is not possible.
Burke feels it’s irresponsible on the part of the Assembly to promise men rights that extend beyond their power to provide. He believes this is either cruelty or inexperience on the part of the Assembly; however, it doesn’t matter which one, as both will end in disaster for France. In theory, in providing for the rights of man (an abstraction), the Assembly removes power from the hands of privileged institutions like the monarchy, church, and nobility (concrete establishments); in practice, they remove power (and denigrate and therefore remove respect) from the only persons experienced and educated enough to manage the land and money the Assembly confiscates. Burke attributes this to the fact that while those men of the Assembly may be specialists in their field, “Political reason is a computing principle; adding, subtracting, multiplying, and dividing, morally and not metaphysically or mathematically, true moral denominations” (62). Here, Burke illustrates that theories may work in a classroom, but when actual citizen’s lives are at stake a government must exercise wisdom and practicality over idealism.
At last, Burke expresses fear regarding the French Revolution, if not an outright shock that any might admire its progression, as he likens its proceedings, grounded as they are in no real principle, to a type of political jazz. While many radical thinkers seem comfortable with this, Burke sees this as an excess of a priori based knowledge vs. the type of knowledge he believes is necessary to create a working government: a posteriori. In the case of the former, he believes that the Assembly is making their government up as they go along, and that the architects have no concrete experience in politics. Burke illustrates the error here:
What is the use of discussing a man’s abstract right to food or to medicine? The question is upon the method of procuring and administering them. And that deliberation, I shall always advise to call in the aid of the farmer and the physician, rather than the professor of metaphysics (61).
In this quote, Burke suggests the need to draw from experience; rather than attempting to put an abstract principle into practice (a priori), Burke believes the most secure course of action is to put a workable system into action (a posteriori).



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