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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of sexual content, graphic violence, cursing, and death.
After Pompey replaces him in the East, Lucullus returns to Rome only to have his enemies block his triumph, a military parade and the supreme honor for a general, elevating him to godlike status for a day. Embittered and exhausted, Lucullus abandons politics for ostentatious pleasure. He constructs extravagant villas on the Bay of Naples and imports foreign plants, including the cherry tree. His lavish lifestyle includes spectacular saltwater fishponds requiring tunnels through mountains and groynes built into the sea.
This decadence extends throughout much of Rome’s elite. Hortensius, following his political defeat by Cicero, waters his trees with vintage wine and becomes the first to serve peacock at banquets. Cicero derisively labels such men “fish fanciers” who squander fortunes on private indulgence rather than public service: “Rome’s public life was founded on duty. Defeat was no excuse for retreating from the commitments that had made the Republic great” (170). Despite such sentiments, the beach resort of Baiae becomes a hotbed of luxury and political networking, dominated by Clodia Metelli, eldest sister of Publius Clodius Pulcher, a trendsetting society hostess. Lucullus publicly accuses his wife, Clodia’s sister, of incest with Clodius and divorces her, darkening Clodia’s reputation as well.
Against this excess, young Marcus Porcius Cato emerges as a stern champion of traditional virtue, walking everywhere barefoot and making austerity fashionable. Meanwhile, Julius Caesar leads the opposite trend, wearing loosely belted togas and spending lavishly. Though maintaining frugal personal habits, Caesar chooses partners strategically, marrying Pompeia, Sulla’s granddaughter, and taking Servilia, Cato’s half-sister, as his mistress.
As aedile in 65 BCE, Caesar stages magnificent games and restores Marius’s public trophies, enraging conservatives but winning favor with the public. In 63 BCE, he risks everything to win election as high priest, pontifex maximus, against Catulus, telling his mother, Aurelia, that he would either triumph or go into exile. He wins the life-long position through massive bribery and moves into the official residence on the Via Sacra.
Marcus Caelius Rufus, a talented provincial youth sponsored by Crassus and Cicero, becomes entangled with Lucius Sergius Catilina (Catiline), a patrician with a sinister past wielding Sulla’s proscriptions to secure vengeance on behalf of his political allies. Backed by Crassus, who fears Pompey’s return, Catiline cultivates support among indebted youth. After Clodius prosecutes him for extortion in 65 BCE, Catiline is acquitted, “possibly with the collusion of Clodius, almost certainly with the assistance of hefty bribes from Crassus” (197).
Catiline runs for consul against Cicero in 63 BCE alongside the “debauched” Antonius Hybrida. Cicero wins overwhelmingly; Hybrida places second. Facing ruin, Catiline courts the poor with revolutionary promises. In the Senate, he makes veiled threats that alienate aristocrats. On polling day, Cicero visibly wears a breastplate to telegraph Catiline’s violence, helping ensure his defeat.
Nevertheless, talk of revolution continues to build. Caelius participates in conspiratorial discussions, though his precise role remains unclear; Crassus delivers incriminating letters to Cicero, claiming an unknown source that may have been Caelius. Cicero exposes the plot, triggering a state of emergency. After a final Senate confrontation, Catiline flees to lead a rebel army. Catulus attempts to implicate Crassus and Caesar, but Cicero blocks this to prevent escalation.
On December 5, Caesar proposes life imprisonment for arrested conspirators, but Cato argues for execution. The Senate agrees, and Cicero oversees the garroting of five men, including a former consul, and is hailed as Rome’s savior. Cicero bribes his colleague Hybrida, a friend of Catiline, with the governorship of Macedon and responsibility for prosecuting the war against Catiline. In doing so, Cicero continues his strategy of preventing further escalation, but the move alarms many, who begin to clamor for Pompey to return. Recognizing that this, too, would risk civil war, Cicero blocks Pompey’s recall to Italy. In the summer of 62 BCE, Catiline’s army is destroyed, with Hybrida avoiding battle through feigned illness. Caelius departs for Africa, serving successfully as a proconsular aide.
In winter 62 BCE, the all-female rites of the Good Goddess are held in Caesar’s house, hosted by his mother, Aurelia, and wife, Pompeia. A man disguised as a musician infiltrates the ceremony and is discovered to be Clodius. The scandal convulses Rome. Caesar divorces Pompeia, asserting that a leader’s wife must be above suspicion and then quickly departs to serve as governor of Spain, not wanting to provoke Clodius directly given the latter’s connections.
Pompey returns from the East, dismisses his army, and enters Rome quietly, but his first speech disappoints. Crassus publicly praises Cicero for his response to Catiline’s conspiracy in Pompey’s presence, thrilling Cicero while needling Pompey. Cicero, whose self-aggrandizing letter to Pompey received a cold response, joins the elite in prosecuting Clodius for sacrilege.
Lucullus, finally granted his triumph in 63 BCE, emerges from retirement to push for Clodius’s prosecution, persuading Hortensius to lead the case. Clodius’s defender, Gaius Scribonius Curio, fabricates an alibi placing him 90 miles from Rome. However, Cicero testifies that he was with Clodius in the city that day, protected by jurors from Clodius’s intimidating street gangs. Conviction seems certain, but jurors are then bribed with money and sexual favors. Clodius is acquitted by 31 votes to 25, enraging the aristocracy. For Cicero, now Clodius’s neighbor on the Palatine after buying an expensive house but still comparatively lacking in wealth and connections, the acquittal is dangerous, and he goads Clodius into escalating their conflict into a “blood feud.”
On September 28, 61 BCE, Pompey celebrates his third triumph with unprecedented magnificence, including a pearl portrait bust. Approaching 45 but styling himself as eternally youthful, he begins constructing a massive permanent theater on the Campus Martius, breaking with republican tradition.
The Senate, led by Cato and backed by Crassus, blocks ratification of Pompey’s eastern settlement, which would have given his veterans land. Humiliated, Pompey attempts to ally with Cato through marriage, but Cato publicly refuses, denouncing it as a bribe attempted through a young woman’s bedroom. Pompey is left demoralized and isolated.
Caesar returns from successful campaigns in Spain with a triumph awarded but faces a choice: Celebrate the triumph, thus remaining “under arms” and unable to enter Rome, or stand for the consulship. When Cato filibusters to prevent him standing for election by proxy, Caesar abandons the triumph and enters Rome. With Pompey’s backing and his own popularity, Caesar wins the consulship for 59 BCE. Cato ensures his son-in-law, Marcus Bibulus, wins second place through bribery and then maneuvers to deny Caesar a meaningful provincial command—the custom for outgoing consuls. Instead, the Senate votes to assign Caesar to Italy, effectively relegating him to “polic[ing] Italian sheepfolds” (218).
When Caesar presents a land bill for Pompey’s veterans, Cato filibusters until Caesar has him arrested. Senators walk out in solidarity, forcing Caesar’s to backtrack. Caesar then takes the bill directly to the people. When Crassus publicly joins Pompey in supporting it, Cato realizes that his enemies control Rome: Caesar has formed an alliance with both Pompey and Crassus, the triumvirate.
On voting day, Bibulus announces bad omens to suspend the vote. Caesar’s supporters dump excrement on Bibulus and beat his lictors. The bill passes, and Caesar forces the Senate to swear to uphold the legislation. Only Metellus Celer and Cato hold out, and then only until Cicero persuades them to yield.
Caesar secures governorships of Illyricum and Gallia Togata. After Metellus Celer dies, Caesar adds Transalpine Gaul, bringing his total authorized command to four legions. His five-year command offers vast opportunities for conquest. Lucullus, after attempting opposition, breaks down and begs Caesar for mercy. Bibulus dares Caesar to cut his throat, while Cato courts similar martyrdom in the Forum. Both save face by proving their courage while implicitly impugning the legitimacy of the triumvirate. When Caesar solidifies his alliance by marrying his daughter, Julia, to Pompey, Cato denounces him as a “pimp.” Pompey and Crassus grow unpopular. Pompey, besotted with Julia, withdraws to the countryside, where he is mocked for excessive conjugal devotion. The alliance appears fragile.
In December 59 BCE, Clodius becomes tribune after Caesar arranges his adoption into a plebeian family. Clodius immediately passes legislation providing free grain and restoring the banned collegia—neighborhood clubs that he reorganizes as private street gangs headquartered at the temple of Castor. When Clodius’s gangs violently disrupt the trial of an ally of Caesar’s, Cicero realizes his vulnerability. Sure enough, Clodius proposes a bill declaring exile for anyone who executes citizens without trial, clearly targeting Cicero. Despite Cicero’s desperate appeals, Caesar, Pompey, and the consuls remain silent or obstructive. Hortensius advises Cicero to flee. In March 58 BCE, Cicero escapes Rome at night. Clodius’s mobs destroy Cicero’s Palatine mansion and erect a temple to Liberty on the site.
Meanwhile, Caesar departs for Gaul, where the Helvetians, an Alpine people, are massing on the border, hoping to travel west. He blocks their passage through Roman territory and then shadows their wagon train of 360,000 people westward. After defeating them twice, he orders them home. Though Caesar has violated his own laws by attacking tribes outside Roman territory, citizens celebrate his victory as a defense against “barbarian” invasion; Gauls were responsible for the one and only invasion of Gaul itself three centuries prior, so there is little sympathy for them.
Caesar next provokes and defeats German tribes, driving them across the Rhine and wintering his legions deep in free Gaul. Gallic tribes, recognizing Roman intentions to conquer all Gaul, form a coalition. In spring 57 BCE, Caesar marches north with eight legions—double his authorized force—into the territory of the Belgae. He systematically defeats the northern tribes and then receives the submission of western tribes under his legate Publius Crassus. Rome awards Caesar an unprecedented 15 days of thanksgiving.
In August 57 BCE, after touring Italy to drum up support and securing Caesar’s reluctant approval, Pompey orchestrates a Senate vote and public assembly for Cicero’s recall; he hopes Cicero will prove a counterweight to Clodius. An incoming tribune, Titus Annius Milo, organizes gangs composed of gladiators and other “well-trained heavies,” which he uses to protect the vote on Cicero’s return from Clodius’s disruption. Cicero returns triumphantly but immediately proposes giving Pompey control of Rome’s corn supply as repayment, prompting Clodius to accuse both of demagoguery. When Cicero gains approval to restore his house, Clodius’s gangs attack the worksite. Street battles between Clodius and Milo intensify as both bring charges against one another for political violence. In February 56 BCE, when Clodius prosecutes Milo, Clodius’s gangs riot as Pompey attempts to speak, chanting support for Crassus over Pompey for an eastern command and shutting down the trial.
Pompey tells Cicero that Crassus orchestrated the riot and is plotting his murder. However, when the Senate officially condemns the riot, it blames Pompey rather than Clodius. Pompey’s ambitions for a second eastern command and senatorial respect seem dead, and his downfall cheers Caesar’s enemies, who hope he can be toppled as well. To that end, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, a wealthy aristocrat and brother-in-law of Cato, announces his candidacy for consul with a platform of ending Caesar’s command and replacing him in Gaul. The establishment rallies behind him; tradition seems poised to defeat the “over-reachers” and preserve the Republic.
In a twist on Power as Violence, Spectacle, and Demagoguery, Holland associates the crisis in republican values with the “debt to pleasure” of Chapter 7’s title. When thwarted in the traditional political arena, Holland suggests, the Roman drive for preeminence manifested as competition in private extravagance. Lucullus, for example, channeled his frustrated ambitions for a triumph into ostentatious displays of pleasure, constructing villas with fishponds that required tunnels through mountains. His rerouting of water becomes a metonym for a more general rerouting—a turning inward of the aristocratic competitive ethos as men began to compete in luxury instead of vying for honor through service to the state. At the same time, Holland connects what might look like private indulgence to the Republic’s broader ills; he quotes Plutarch, saying that “Lucullus […] squandered his money with every appearance of contempt, treating it as though it were something ‘captive and barbarian’ to be spilled like blood” (184). The comparison connects the violence of imperial conquest to the nihilism of Lucullus’s conspicuous consumption, hinting once again at how desire for the glory and spoils of foreign war nurtured ambitions that Rome’s traditional constitutional framework could not absorb or contain.
Holland shows how the increased emphasis on spectacle permeated virtually every aspect of political life. Public figures became living symbols of competing ideologies. The discussion of Marcus Porcius Cato is particularly significant: “As a civilian, he made a fashion out of despising fashion, wearing black because the party set all sported purple, walking everywhere, whether in blazing sunshine or icy rain, […] sometimes not even bothering to wear his shoes” (189). The paradox of this kind of trendsetting highlights how even reproaches to the era’s perceived decadence had become saturated with performance; Cicero’s complaint that Cato addressed the Senate as though he were “living in Plato’s Republic rather than the shit-hole of Romulus” encapsulates the disconnect between Cato’s self-stylings and the political reality of the day (190). In direct opposition, Julius Caesar cultivated a “dandyish” persona with his famously “loosely belted” toga and extravagant spending, signaling a populist appeal that set him apart from the staid establishment. This emphasis on personal presentation as political theater underscores how Roman politics was becoming a battle of images and personalities, a trend that made the system vulnerable to charismatic strongmen.
Simultaneously, Holland charts the continued drift of political conflict from the institutional confines of the Senate to the city’s public and private spaces. Publius Clodius Pulcher’s reorganization of the collegia into personal gangs transformed a civic institution into a tool of political violence, turning the Forum into a battlefield for rival factions. Holland frames the destruction of Cicero’s Palatine mansion and the subsequent erection of a temple to Liberty on its ruins as a symbolic act; with it, Clodius physically erased a political enemy’s presence from the city’s most prestigious neighborhood while justifying his removal with an appeal to republican virtues. This sleight of hand—framing coercion as freedom—appears repeatedly in Rubicon, its irony underscoring the theme of Liberty Paving the Way for Autocracy.
The formation of the First Triumvirate marked a pivotal moment in this transition, as the informal power of three individuals supplanted the formal, collective authority of the Republic’s institutions. The secret alliance of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus operated outside of and in opposition to the Senate, effectively constituting a coup. Foreshadowing later developments, this seizure of power also involved a weaponization of populism: During his consulship, Caesar bypassed the Senate, took his land bill directly to the people, and used Pompey’s veterans to physically intimidate his co-consul, Bibulus. When Bibulus attempted to employ a traditional check on power—the declaration of bad omens—he was ignored and defiled with excrement. Such actions as consul were not merely illegal; they fundamentally challenged the principle of collegial governance. By rendering his colleague powerless and ignoring religious and procedural customs, Caesar proved that raw power now trumped tradition and law. In Holland’s framing, the moment marks another turning point that illustrates The Fateful Choices of Powerful Men.
Holland’s discussion of Caesar’s Gallic command exemplifies a now-established dynamic: a provincial governorship becoming a platform for accumulating the personal resources necessary to challenge the central government. Gaul functioned as a personal fiefdom where Caesar amassed a fortune and forged an army whose loyalty was to him, not the Republic. This created a feedback loop: Conquests in Gaul provided Caesar with the power to maintain his political standing in Rome, while his political influence protected him from prosecution for his actions in Gaul. This model, where immense power is accrued on the periphery of the empire and then turned back upon its center, marks an escalation of the precedent set by Sulla, as Caesar attacked tribes outside Roman territory and doubled his allotted number of legions without senatorial approval. Instead, Caesar relied on public support for legitimacy:
One man’s war criminal was another man’s hero. Barbarian migrations had always been the stuff of Roman nightmares. […] Hannibal might have ridden up to Rome’s gates and flung his javelin over them, but he had never succeeded in capturing the seat of the Republic. Only the Gauls had managed that (234).
Besides reinforcing the role that populist appeal played in Caesar’s rise to power, such passages hint at another of Rome’s “paradoxes,” suggesting that the same long memory that preserved republican traditions also ensured that destructive fears and resentments were passed down over generations until someone chose to exploit them.



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