72 pages 2-hour read

Science and Human Behavior

Nonfiction | Reference/Text Book | Adult | Published in 1953

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Part 1Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “The Possibility of a Science of Human Behavior”

Part 1, Chapter 1 Summary: “Can Science Help?”

Skinner opens with the example of Francesco Lana’s 17th-century concept of a lighter-than-air ship, which Lana feared God would forbid due to its potential for military misuse. The prediction proved accurate—modern air warfare has realized these dangers—and serves as a metaphor for the broader problem of science being applied irresponsibly. While scientific advances have increased humanity’s capacity to improve living conditions, they have also contributed to war, overpopulation, industrial disruption, and cultural instability. Some critics propose the abandonment of science, favoring a return to arts, religion, or other non-scientific pursuits. Skinner rejects this, suggesting an alternative is to apply scientific methods to human affairs, aiming to develop a science of human behavior that could balance technological progress with social stability.


However, Skinner notes a major obstacle: Many people who support applying science to behavior want only factual observation, not the adoption of science’s underlying assumptions. Skinner believes that true science requires assuming lawful, deterministic relationships between events, including human actions. This conflicts with Western traditions that view humans as free agents guided by internal will. Historical parallels—such as resistance to Copernicus and Darwin—show that challenges to flattering conceptions of humanity provoke strong opposition.


In practice, society holds a confused, inconsistent stance—sometimes attributing behavior to environmental causes, other times to personal responsibility. Exceptions are made for the ignorant, the ill, or the socially disadvantaged, but credit for achievement is still granted to individuals, and beliefs are often treated as products of free will rather than environmental influence. This inconsistency results in theoretical and practical confusion, which Skinner argues contributes to political and social conflict. Questions of freedom, control, governance, cultural influence, and ideology are all rooted in the fundamental nature of human behavior.


Skinner argues that resolving these issues requires adopting a coherent and consistent scientific conception of behavior, which entails confronting the implications of determinism and fully understanding what a science of human behavior could predict, control, and explain.

Part 1, Chapter 2 Summary: “A Science of Behavior”

Skinner distinguishes science from philosophy, art, and other intellectual pursuits through its cumulative progress. The achievements of science, however, can obscure its essential nature, leading some to confuse it with its products (e.g., organized bodies of knowledge) or its tools (e.g., laboratory instruments, mathematical calculations). Skinner asserts these are aids, not science itself.


At its core, Skinner argues, science is “a set of attitudes” (12)—a commitment to facts over authority and to honesty over “wishful thinking.” Beyond attitude, science seeks lawful relationships among events, building from individual observations to general rules, and eventually to systems or models that enable both prediction and control.


Behavior, unlike microscopic elements of cosmic phenomena, is directly observable but deceptively complex. Familiarity can lead to unscientific conclusions, and scientific study often requires a “great deal of unlearning” (15). Accounts such as anecdotes, biographies, and case histories are useful starting points, but science advances by uncovering uniformities, making them explicit, and subjecting them to rigorous proof.


Resistance to a science of behavior often arises when scientific laws challenge prescientific conceptions of human nature. Objections include appeals to quantum indeterminacy, the uniqueness of individual cases, the complexity of behavior, the interaction between the observer and the observed, and the difficulty of controlling all relevant variables. Skinner counters that these objections are not unique to behavior, and history shows that supposed limits to science often dissolve with methodological advances.


Skinner argues that a degree of control over behavioral conditions already exists in domains like education, industry, government, and media. The pressing need, he concludes, is to understand and refine these processes, preparing for the challenges such knowledge will bring.

Part 1, Chapter 3 Summary: “Why Organisms Behave”

Skinner reframes the question of why organisms behave in terms of functional relations between variables, rather than traditional “cause and effect” explanations. The goal of a science of behavior is to identify the external conditions that influence action, predict behavior based on those conditions, and, where possible, manipulate them for control.


Historically, the search for causes has preceded science, producing prescientific explanations such as astrology, numerology, and personality typing. Even when these methods find occasional validation (e.g., seasonal birth effects), their predictive value is limited. Inner causes—whether neural, psychic, or conceptual—are likewise problematic. Physiological states, mental entities, or abstractions like “hunger,” “habit,” or “intelligence” often serve as redundant descriptions or speculation, distracting from the external factors that Skinner asserts actually control behavior.


Skinner emphasizes that a functional analysis should prioritize external variables—such as environmental conditions and histories—because they are observable, measurable, and often controllable. For example, the probability of drinking water can be reliably altered by manipulating deprivation, temperature, or salt intake, without invoking unobservable inner states. As he notes, “The objection to inner states is not that they do not exist, but that they are not relevant in a functional analysis” (35). He outlines the types of data available for such analysis: Causal observation, controlled fieldwork, clinical studies, institutional research, experiments, and studies of nonhuman animals. The latter are valuable because they simplify variables, allow greater experimental control, and reveal basic processes that may extend to human behavior.


Skinner rejects claims that a functional analysis cannot be done simply because it has not yet been completed. Scientific progress often accelerates when research shifts to more productive variables, and he argues that specifying behavior as a dependent variable in relation to manipulable physical conditions is a promising approach. Achieving meaningful advances, according to Skinner, will require rigorous, detailed study rather than superficial theorizing.

Part 1 Analysis

The first three chapters of Science and Human Behavior establish Skinner’s central position that human conduct can be studied, predicted, and influenced through the methods of science. He begins by contrasting the benefits of scientific advancement with its unintended consequences, framing the balance of “power” and “wisdom” as a crucial problem. Using the story of Francesco Lana’s lighter-than-air ship, Skinner demonstrates the double-edged nature of scientific progress. In modern air warfare, Lana’s fears were realized, and the anecdote serves as a metaphor for the broader issue of applying science without safeguards. This opening example invites readers to consider how behavioral science might also be directed toward deliberate, constructive ends, as Skinner suggests, “It is possible that science has come to the rescue and that order will eventually be achieved in the field of human affairs” (5).


This proposition depends on a major philosophical shift: The rejection of inner will as the primary determinant of behavior, thereby introducing the theme of Behavior as a Product of Environmental Conditioning Rather Than Inner Will. Skinner argues that, “what a man does is the result of specifiable conditions and that once these conditions have been discovered, we can anticipate and to some extent determine his actions” (6). This deterministic stance challenges Western traditions that place human agency outside causal law. Acknowledging that “this possibility is offensive to many people” (6), Skinner anticipates resistance and uses historical parallels—such as the public opposition to Copernicus and Darwin—to show that discomfort with disruptive scientific ideas is neither new nor insurmountable. These allusions also function rhetorically, situating his work within a lineage of scientific theories that have displaced “primitive beliefs” which, he notes, are “usually flattering” to humanity (7).


While Skinner envisions behavioral science as a stabilizing force, he also underscores The Ethical Implications of Control and Reinforcement. He points out that “The application of science prevents famines and plagues, and lowers death rates—only to populate the earth beyond the reach of established systems of cultural or governmental control” (4). Here, the unintended consequences of scientific success illustrate the need for careful management of social and environmental variables. His discussion anticipates later chapters, where the deliberate design of social systems becomes a possible, if contentious, application of behavioral principles. The ethical challenge is not merely whether control exists—Skinner assumes it does—but whether it can be applied responsibly and transparently.


Throughout these chapters, Skinner defines essential terms to bridge the gap between scientific and public discourse. By explaining “cause and effect” as “independent” and “dependent variables” (23), and by insisting that “Science rejects even its own authorities when they interfere with the observation of nature” (12), he models the intellectual honesty that he claims is essential. This precision reflects his intended audience—specialists who require methodological clarity and lay readers who may be unfamiliar with scientific vocabulary. His emphasis on rejecting “wishful thinking” in favor of empirical rigor demonstrates how effective science communication depends on explicit, detailed definitions that connect abstract concepts to observable phenomena.


In its entirety, Part 1 functions as a theoretical prologue. It outlines Skinner’s belief in the necessity of replacing traditional notions of will with a science grounded in environmental variables, argues for the responsible application of behavioral principles in shaping society, and confronts the ethical stakes of reinforcement and control. Skinner’s statement, “We cannot tell until we have tried” (20), encapsulates his pragmatic approach, calling for empirical engagement over speculative doubt and setting the stage for the more technical analyses that follow.

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