The British Are Coming: The War for America, Lexington to Princeton, 1775-1777

In June 1776, Charleston, South Carolina, stood as the wealthiest and most refined town in North America, though “every farthing of Charleston’s affluence derived from slavery” (394). The town’s prosperity, theaters, shipbuilding, and material luxuries masked deep social inequalities and a volatile political climate. British forces under General Henry Clinton and Commodore Sir Peter Parker arrived in early June aboard a fleet of 50 vessels carrying soldiers, marines, and displaced royal governors. After an “ill-conceived and star-crossed” (395) campaign in North Carolina, they aimed to capture Charleston, a target seen as both valuable and vulnerable.

The British anchored off Charleston Harbor and debated their next move. Clinton was initially hesitant, advocating a northern campaign, but agreed to attack the “feebly defended provincial town” (397) after receiving vague guidance from commanders. However, coordination between army and navy was poor, and bad weather, inaccurate maps, and conflicting pilot reports complicated the British plan to assault Sullivan’s Island, where American defenders under Colonel William Moultrie were building Fort Sullivan with untested palmetto logs and sand, “an act of faith, if not desperation” (399).

The British intended to land troops on nearby Long Island and cross the narrow Breach Inlet to flank the fort. The channel proved too deep and wide to ford, but too shallow for naval support. Multiple attempts by British troops to find a crossing failed. Meanwhile, on Sullivan’s Island, Moultrie prepared his understrength force of militia and Continentals. They were reinforced by General Charles Lee, who arrived with 2,000 Continental troops and took command of the southern defenses. Lee was skeptical of the fort’s strength and critical of its commander, using his authoritarian-yet-respected approach to inspire the troops.

On June 28, Parker’s ships attacked Fort Sullivan. The British bombardment was heavy and lasted all day, with more than 7,000 rounds fired. However, the fort’s spongy palmetto log construction absorbed much of the damage. American defenders held firm, returning fire methodically despite powder shortages. Sergeant William Jasper famously re-raised the fort’s flag a “a gunner’s sponge staff” (414) after it was shot down. British efforts to flank from Long Island failed, as did attempts by three warships to enter the harbor. One frigate, Actaeon, ran aground and was burned by its own crew to prevent capture.

The British suffered over 200 casualties, including many wounded aboard the flagship Bristol. The commodore himself was badly injured and several ships were severely damaged. The Americans lost only 12 men, with 26 wounded. The failed assault embarrassed British commanders, while the victory boosted American morale and reinforced support for independence. General Lee praised the defenders and sent gifts to Clinton, who reciprocated despite being demoralized and frustrated by the “bad luck and tactical blunders” (418).

In the aftermath, British forces retreated northward. Their defeat, combined with rising tensions between settlers and “disaffected Cherokee warriors” (419), helped galvanize southern resistance. American troops retaliated against Cherokee raids by destroying villages and capturing or killing thousands. The British were also expelled from their last foothold in Virginia at Gwynn’s Island, where Lord Dunmore’s makeshift base was overrun after disease and artillery bombardment. Hundreds of formerly enslaved people died in the chaos, and Dunmore’s “Ethiopian Regiment” was decimated. By August, British forces had withdrawn from the southern colonies, leaving Virginia, Georgia, and the Carolinas under rebel control. Loyalist influence was shattered and thousands of troops were freed to support General Washington. British commanders like Clinton and Parker blamed each other for the failure, while their reputations suffered. The Charleston campaign ended in confusion and defeat, with heavy losses in men, ships, and morale. Despite setbacks, British leadership remained convinced that southern loyalists awaited liberation, as “Englishmen always rally when things are at the worst” (422).

In July 1776, General Washington received news of Congress’s Declaration of Independence. He ordered it read to his troops on July 9. That evening, in New York City’s Common, soldiers and civilians gathered to hear “the proclamation intended to transform a squalid family brawl into a cause as ambitious and righteous as any in human history” (423). Its language stirred many, with Thomas Jefferson’s words outlining the colonies’ grievances and ideals. Atkinson acknowledges the “moral catastrophe” (424) of the Declaration—with its famous assertion “that all men are created equal”—being written by enslavers. Following the reading, “whooping vandals” (425) destroyed the statue of King George III at Bowling Green. The head was later recovered by British engineer John Montresor and sent to England, while the rest of the statue was melted into 42,088 bullets. Across the colonies, similar “joyful” anti-monarchist demonstrations erupted.

On July 12, British warships Phoenix and Rose sailed past New York defenses into the Hudson River, exchanging fire with American batteries. Some American cannoneers were drunk or disorganized, leading to a fatal accident at the Grand Battery. Despite heavy American fire, the British ships “breezed unhindered” (427) to Tappan Zee with minimal damage, prompting defensive reactions up the Hudson. General William Howe, headquartered at the Rose and Crown on Staten Island, awaited “the greatest war fleet Britain had ever launched” (428). British logistical efforts were vast and costly, with difficulties in transporting supplies, animals, and personnel. Many horses died en route and supply shortages persisted through what the French ambassador to Britain labelled “this ruinous and mad war” (432). Lord Richard Howe arrived in July to command naval operations. Throughout August, hundreds of ships arrived carrying British and Hessian (German) troops, totaling over 30,000 men. German troops suffered from “scurvy and diarrhea” (433); they endured poor provisions during the long voyage.

Washington’s forces in New York numbered around 20,000, with less than half being regular Continentals. Disease plagued the American army, reducing effectiveness. Washington attempted to make his soldiers “a bit less crude and a bit more military” (435), issuing orders to control swearing, reduce desertions, and ensure weapons were battle-ready. New fortifications were built at Fort Washington and Fort Lee, while river defenses were enhanced with obstructions.

On August 16, a fireship attack against the British squadron in the Hudson was launched. Two American vessels attempted to set British ships ablaze. One exploded near a tender and the other grappled with the British ship Phoenix before being repelled. Washington rewarded surviving volunteers and mourned the lost. The British ships soon returned to Staten Island, showing that “the Hudson could be traversed at will” (438).

On August 21, a “violent, portentous storm” (439) struck New York. British troops began moving to launch an amphibious assault. On August 22, thousands of British and Hessian soldiers landed at Gravesend Bay on Long Island without resistance. The force swelled to over 20,000. American riflemen offered light resistance before retreating. Washington underestimated the British landing force and delayed reinforcing Long Island. Due to a “desperate illness” (442), command passed from Major General Nathanael Greene to John Sullivan, then to Israel Putnam. American defenses stretched thinly across Long Island’s Heights of Guan. Washington had little understanding of the terrain and left outposts vulnerable.

In the early morning of August 27, General Clinton led a flanking maneuver through Jamaica Pass, surprising the American left flank. British troops attacked from multiple directions. Major General William Alexander, Lord Stirling—an American despite his Scottish ancestral title—held the American right flank, briefly repelling attacks before being surrounded. Sullivan’s center was overrun after Clinton’s flank attack. Hundreds of Americans were killed or captured, including Sullivan. The British gave “little quarter to the enemy” (449). Stirling’s Marylanders mounted a rear-guard defense near the Gowanus road and creek. Some soldiers escaped by wading or swimming through the tide. Stirling and many others were captured after a fierce fight at the Vechte house. American casualties numbered almost 1,200 prisoners and several hundred killed or wounded. British and Hessian losses totaled 376.

Washington watched the battle unfold and misjudged its scope until it was too late. His generals and troops suffered from “despondency and exhaustion” (453). General Howe chose not to storm the American defenses at Brooklyn Heights, preferring a siege as the “the troops had for that day done handsomely enough” (454). Bad weather and fears of high casualties contributed to the decision. Meanwhile, the American army “reeked of defeat” (456). Washington convened a council on August 29 and, with unanimous support, decided to evacuate Long Island. That night, aided by a sudden shift in wind and a “providential fogbank” (458), over 9,000 soldiers were ferried to Manhattan without British interference. Sailors from Massachusetts led the evacuation and Washington crossed in one of the final boats. The retreat was considered a major success under the circumstances. Despite the loss of Long Island, the army was preserved. Having “rescued his army and redeemed his reputation” (459), Washington’s leadership in the evacuation was praised, though his performance in the battle drew criticism. The British burned abandoned American camps. Howe planned the next phase of the campaign, confident that “this campaign will put a total end to the war” (460).

In early September 1776, Sergeant Ezra Lee attempted to attack the British warship Eagle using a submersible called the Turtle, designed by inventor David Bushnell. Though supported by the “skeptical” (462) General Washington, the mission failed when Lee could not attach the explosive due to hitting metal instead of wood. Forced to retreat, Lee escaped under British fire. The powder charge later detonated harmlessly in the bay, startling British forces but causing no damage.

Vice Admiral Richard “Black Dick” Howe (the older brother of General Howe), a seasoned British naval officer known for his “courage, seamanship, and progressive ideas” (464), had recently been appointed naval commander in chief of the North American station and peace commissioner alongside his brother William. A meeting with American representatives—Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge—occurred on Staten Island on September 11. Howe could not “consider the colonies in the light of independent States” (467), so the talks failed to achieve reconciliation. The American delegation returned unimpressed, though Franklin wrote to French representatives with the belief that “their whole fleet” (469) could be destroyed. As British forces prepared to attack, conditions in the American army were poor. Illness, desertion, and low morale plagued the troops, while intercolonial tensions simmered. General Greene urged Washington to “abandon Manhattan” (470); a war council eventually agreed to evacuate lower Manhattan. The army began pulling back toward Harlem Heights, while General Putnam remained with 10,000 men in the city.

On September 15, the British launched a major assault at Kip’s Bay, using naval bombardment to make “an unspeakable din” (472) and landing 4,000 troops. American defenses collapsed, with many soldiers fleeing. Washington tried to rally his troops, even physically striking some recalcitrant officers, but was ultimately forced to withdraw. British forces landed more troops, but did not cut off the Americans’ retreat, allowing Putnam to escape with his men to Harlem Heights. The British took control of New York City, capturing abandoned American artillery and supplies. Loyalist residents emerged, cheering their return to British rule so that “many also endorsed a ‘declaration of dependence’” (479). Officers claimed homes and churches flew British flags. On September 16, Washington’s forces won a small battle at Harlem Heights, ambushing British troops and driving them back. The action “greatly inspirited” the Americans and restored some confidence (482).

Days later, on September 21, a large fire broke out in New York, destroying around 500 buildings, including Trinity Church. British soldiers and sailors worked to contain the flames. No clear evidence proved the fire was deliberately set, though several “suspected arsonists” were executed by vigilantes (484). The blaze left thousands homeless and further damaged the city’s infrastructure; Washington considered the fire to be “serendipitous” (485). On September 22, Captain Nathan Hale, an American officer captured while spying behind British lines, was executed. Hale, described as dignified and composed, had been caught with incriminating notes in his shoes. Denied a clergyman or Bible, he was hanged at the artillery park. His alleged final words—“I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country” (487)—became legendary. British soldiers mockingly hung an effigy of George Washington above Hale’s corpse. The war continued, with growing brutality and daily reminders of the costs of conflict.