87 pages 2-hour read

The British Are Coming: The War for America, Lexington to Princeton, 1775-1777

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2019

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Part 3, Chapters 17-19Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3, Chapter 17 Summary: “Master of the Lakes”

In October 1776, British forces in Canada under General Guy Carleton worked intensively to assemble a fleet at St. Johns on the Richelieu River, as Carleton sought to become “master of the lakes” (492). Workers constructed gunboats, ships, and floating batteries such as the Thunderer and Inflexible, while shipyards in Montreal and Chambly also contributed. With 13,000 British, Canadian, Hessian, and Indigenous troops prepared, Carleton aimed to control Lake Champlain as “a springboard toward New York” (493). Delays in receiving boats from England and the late season prevented a larger campaign. Carleton informed Lord Germain that seizing rebel forts like Crown Point and Fort Ticonderoga would be the limit of the year’s operations. The British squadron eventually included gunboats, schooners, and disassembled vessels rebuilt at St. Johns, including the Inflexible. Moving deeper-draft ships around the Richelieu rapids involved dismantling and transporting them overland. Despite hardships such as spoiled provisions, Carleton’s “jigsaw navy” was well-supplied with arms, clothing, and funds (496). By October, several hundred craft and 700 sailors were assembled, with General Burgoyne prepared to lead an offensive once American vessels were neutralized.


At Ticonderoga, the American Northern Army, numbering around 11,000, suffered from disease, poor supplies, and low morale. Despite being heavily fortified, half the troops were unfit for duty. Malaria and other fevers raged, while medical provisions were scarce. Regional tensions and factionalism plagued command. General Schuyler, under fire from New England officers and accused of misconduct, vied for field command with Horatio Gates. Both agreed that Lake Champlain must be defended and that Benedict Arnold, “perfectly skilled in naval affairs” (500), was best suited to lead a maritime effort.


In recent months, Arnold had been mired in controversies and accused of looting. When Gates intervened to have the charges dropped, Arnold directed construction of a fleet at Skenesborough. He pushed for resources, organized work crews, and oversaw the building of galleys and gundalows. Despite shortages of skilled sailors and ordnance, Arnold launched the so-called “Mosquito Fleet” (501), including the Royal Savage—a captured British ship—as his flagship. He scouted Lake Champlain and chose Valcour Island as the best defensive position. By October 1, he had fifteen vessels and was requesting more crew and ammunition. The denial of repeated requests for more men and supplies left him feeling “aggrieved and underappreciated” (505).


On October 11, British forces under Captain Thomas Pringle and General Carleton sailed south but initially failed to locate Arnold’s fleet. Pringle’s oversight in not scouting Valcour Strait allowed Arnold to ambush the British. The battle began late in the morning. The Americans, though outgunned, used a crescent formation to concentrate fire. Royal Savage ran aground and was captured by the British, who later destroyed it to prevent recapture. Arnold escaped and transferred his flag to the Congress. Heavy fighting continued throughout the day. British ships like Carleton and Inflexible suffered significant damage, so that critics would later accuse Pringle of having “badly mismanaged” the battle (509). Arnold’s new flagship, Congress, was badly hit, and several American vessels were lost or disabled.


That night, Arnold’s surviving ships “carefully, quietly” (510) escaped through the British line. By October 12, they reached Schuyler’s Island, where some damaged boats were scuttled. British forces gave chase. On October 13, the Washington was overtaken and captured. Arnold, aboard Congress, led four other vessels into Ferris Bay. After a final stand under heavy British fire, the Americans abandoned and burned their ships. Arnold and 200 men escaped on foot to Crown Point, then on to Ticonderoga. Carleton advanced to Crown Point but, after surveying the strong American defenses at Ticonderoga, decided against an assault. He began withdrawing to Canada by late October, concluding that a siege was unfeasible due to the season. American forces, though expecting “a grand attack” (514), prepared defenses. They received reinforcements and supplies. The British retreat left the Americans in control of the lake.


Back in Canada, Carleton’s forces went into winter quarters. Carleton returned to Quebec, where he was celebrated and knighted. Criticism arose about his having “won a tactical victory while frittering away the strategic advantage” (516). Burgoyne returned to England grieving his wife’s death and disillusioned, while Carleton remained in administrative command. Meanwhile, Arnold, though again instrumental in delaying British plans, faced new accusations and resentment. By the end of the campaign, Ticonderoga was left under Colonel Wayne with a reduced garrison. The rest of the American force departed south for future campaigns, leaving behind a weakened post and a controversial but strategically consequential naval stand.

Part 3, Chapter 18 Summary: “The Retrograde Motion of Things”

In October and November 1776, General Washington established his headquarters at the Roger Morris mansion in Harlem Heights, overseeing the half of the New York region still under American control. Despite a temporary lull in combat, Washington was anxious and disheartened after recent losses on Long Island and in New York City. His army of 31,000 suffered from sickness, desertion, and discipline problems, with only half the men fit for duty. Dysentery and typhus ravaged the camps, while poor sanitation exacerbated the spread of disease. Surgeons pleaded for supplies and reinforcements. Thievery was so rampant that John Adams told his wife that he was “ashamed of the age” (524) in which he lived.


Washington was frustrated with the militia’s unreliability and urged Congress to form a “a disciplined, properly compensated army” (525). In a detailed letter to President Hancock, he argued for proper enlistment incentives and longer commitments. Meanwhile, the British Royal Navy resumed activity on the Hudson River on October 9, with ships enduring heavy American fire but ultimately breaking through American river obstructions, rendering Washington’s river defenses ineffective. David Bushnell’s submarine, the Turtle, was among the casualties.


General Howe, commanding British forces, adopted “a more cautious approach” (528) despite his numerical and tactical advantage. On October 12, he launched “a modest flanking move” (529) toward Frog’s Neck, attempting to envelop Washington’s army. However, the landing site was poorly chosen, and the Americans repelled the British advance. American General Charles Lee arrived on October 14, appearing “like a conquering hero” (531). He convinced Washington to retreat north into Westchester, abandoning Harlem Heights. On October 18, British troops shifted to Pell’s Point, where American Colonel John Glover’s brigade of 750 men held off “untold thousands of approaching enemies” (533) with well-coordinated volleys before retreating.


Howe pursued slowly, impeded by poor terrain, a large baggage train, and a weakened Hessian division suffering from disease and “persistent indiscipline” (536). British and Hessian soldiers plundered the countryside, angering civilians and alienating potential loyalist supporters. By October 28, both armies converged at White Plains. Howe launched a partial assault on the American right flank, capturing Chatterton Hill. After two days of heavy rain, Washington withdrew further to North Castle, avoiding another engagement. In spite of this latest retreat, the army was “in no way disheartened” (542).


The American army began reinforcing Fort Washington in upper Manhattan, despite doubts about its defensibility. Washington deferred to General Nathanael Greene, who increased the garrison to over 3,000 men. In spite of his apparent lack of experience, Greene had become, according to Henry Knox, “equal in military knowledge to any general officer in the army” (545). British deserters and captured American correspondence revealed the fort’s weaknesses to General Howe. On November 15, the British demanded the fort’s surrender, but Colonel Robert Magaw refused, citing “the most glorious cause that mankind ever fought in” (550).


On November 16, British and Hessian forces attacked from multiple directions. After fierce fighting and American losses on all fronts, Magaw surrendered the fort, whereupon “abuse and plunder commenced” (555). Nearly 3,000 Americans were taken prisoner; 59 were killed and 96 wounded. Howe’s losses included 77 killed and 381 wounded. American prisoners were marched to New York, where many would die in captivity due to “barbaric treatment” (556). Washington, watching from across the Hudson, was deeply affected by the loss. Regional tensions between the Americans intensified as many recalled Greene’s lack of experience.


Following the fall of Fort Washington, British troops crossed into New Jersey. On November 20, they landed at Lower Closter and scaled the steep Palisades to advance on Fort Lee. General Greene hastily evacuated, abandoning artillery and provisions. Washington met the retreating troops at Hackensack. With just 3,000 disheartened soldiers and no entrenching tools, he ordered a further withdrawal. The British captured Fort Lee with little resistance, seizing large quantities of supplies. American forces retreated through New Jersey, pursued by the British. Washington instructed General Lee to bring reinforcements from New York. The campaign had turned decisively against the Americans. They had lost thousands of men and significant territory. Morale was low among the “weary, beaten rebels” (560).


Despite these setbacks, Washington remained committed to the cause. He crossed the Hackensack River and continued retreating through New Jersey. On November 22, he sent a message to General Lee urging immediate support. American soldiers, cold, tired, and ill-equipped, pressed southward. British forces looted farms, while rebel stragglers found brief shelter in Hackensack. The Continental Army, though battered, remained intact. American troops “kept faith with their cause, with one another, and with those generations yet unborn” (561). General Greene wrote to his wife expressing hope and determination.

Part 3, Chapter 19 Summary: “A Quaker in Paris”

In late November 1776, Benjamin Franklin sailed for France aboard the Reprisal, a fast American warship repurposed for battle. Despite his advanced age and deteriorating health, Franklin agreed to the mission assigned by Congress “in hopes of signing ‘a treaty with his most Christian majesty,’ King Louis XVI” (563), and pressing the French for open support against Britain. Aboard with him were his grandsons Temple and Benny, the elder (Temple) serving as his secretary. Franklin’s estranged relationship with his loyalist son William, who had recently been jailed, added emotional strain to the journey. Many “similar estrangements, heartbreaking and brutal, were tearing apart American families from Maine to Georgia” (565).


Captain Lambert Wickes commanded the Reprisal, already distinguished in battle. As the ship departed from the Delaware River with Franklin and 35 casks of indigo to finance the mission, Wickes was ordered to sail to Nantes. However, upon spotting British merchant ships, Franklin authorized their capture. Two brigs, George and LaVigne, were taken. These small victories were rare for the struggling Continental Navy, which remained “outgunned, outmanned, and outsailed” (565) by Admiral Howe’s British fleet. While American naval efforts were limited, privateers had taken hundreds of British merchant ships, significantly disrupting trade and raising insurance costs.


By early December, bad weather slowed Reprisal. Franklin and his grandsons were rowed ashore to Auray, then traveled by coach to Nantes. Franklin arrived on December 7 and was received with admiration and support. After a week, he departed for Paris. Although he had revealed no official mission, “a thousand conjectures” (568) abounded regarding his purpose. The British ambassador in Versailles, Lord Stormont, tracked his movements closely. Paris at the time was vibrant, chaotic, and full of “informants, agents, and operatives” (571). Franklin’s destination, ultimately, was a discreet Parisian mansion operated by a Spanish-fronted company, Roderigue Hortalèz et Cie, set up to funnel French military supplies to America. The operation was masterminded by Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais, a former watchmaker, courtier, playwright, and arms dealer. Beaumarchais was “a rabid enthusiast for the American cause” (573), working closely with French Foreign Minister Vergennes to secretly supply the rebels with arms while avoiding open conflict with Britain.


France, still smarting from its losses to Britain in the Seven Years’ War, saw opportunity in America’s rebellion to weaken a colonial rival with a drawn out, expensive conflict. While King Louis XVI was initially cautious, he slowly warmed to the idea of aiding the insurgents, encouraged by Beaumarchais and Vergennes. To circumvent British detection, Beaumarchais arranged covert shipments of weapons, including thousands of muskets and cannons. Some arms began departing France in secret, but British intelligence quickly caught on, and Lord Stormont lodged protests. In December, Beaumarchais loaded three ships in Le Havre with supplies for America. When the British ambassador made a formal complaint, France publicly ordered a stop to the shipments, though the embargo was lifted privately after Beaumarchais’s intervention. Only one ship, the Seine, was intercepted; others eventually reached America, though some arms required repair.


Meanwhile, Silas Deane, the first American envoy in France, coordinated with Beaumarchais and distributed officer commissions to numerous European volunteers. Among them was the 19-year-old Marquis de Lafayette, appointed a major general. Deane, frustrated with Congress’s delays, pushed for more aid and tobacco shipments to repay Beaumarchais. He also promoted American virtue and issued military prospects “willy-nilly” to French officials (577), including Lafayette. Franklin arrived in Paris on December 21, staying at the Hôtel d’Entragues. He immediately attracted widespread attention and admiration from French society. Parisians viewed him as a symbol of simplicity, wisdom, and democratic virtue. He received fan mail, was celebrated in salons, and his image adorned snuff boxes and fashion items. Franklin had become “the American, a slightly paunchy embodiment of his country” (579).


On December 23, Franklin sent a formal request to meet Vergennes, who received him privately five days later, joined by Deane and newly arrived American envoy Arthur Lee. Franklin proposed a treaty of amity and commerce. Vergennes urged discretion and stressed that official support must be delayed. On January 5, Franklin requested warships and supplies, arguing that France and Spain stood to benefit strategically by aiding the American cause. He “cheerfully predicted English ruination” (581). Although Franklin was well received, French officials remained cautious. British spies monitored developments while France, unready for war, pursued a policy of “watchful waiting” (583). Franklin recognized that France would only commit fully if America could demonstrate military success. Days later, the French king quietly agreed to loan two million livres to America. Franklin had made a favorable impression, but the ultimate goal of a full alliance remained uncertain.

Part 3, Chapters 17-19 Analysis

Part 3 of The British Are Coming begins with the depiction of the American “jigsaw navy” cobbled together from commandeered merchant ships, privateers, and other ad hoc sources of maritime power (496). This is another example of the conflict’s rapid evolution. From having no navy at all, to trying to go to war with a submarine, to constructing or commandeering an entire fleet to take on the most powerful navy in the history of the world, the Americans are rapidly evolving into a genuine state. The Declaration of Independence may have been the formal announcement of the Americans’ plan to establish their own country, but the formation of a navy brings this idea closer to reality. Large scale institutions are being built in record time. The “jigsaw navy” may not defeat the British Navy, but the notion that the Americans can compete with the world’s strongest navy contributes to The Birth of the American Mythos and adds credibility to the Declaration of Independence, forcing the world—and the British—to reckon with the reality of an emerging American state.


Throughout The British Are Coming, Atkinson has limited the scope of the narrative to North America and England, juxtaposing the decadent imperial hub of England with the often terrible conditions in North America. In Chapter 19, however, Atkinson introduces a third place, emphasizing The Global Nature of Revolution. Paris is a European metropolis like London, a “clamorous” (569) city of “miracles and miracle-mongers” (570). The close proximity of rich and poor in Paris is comparable to that found in London, particularly when Atkinson focuses on the machinations of the French court. Despite the similarities between France and Great Britain, the small, poor, upstart United States of America hopes to make an alliance of differences with France. The similarities between London and Paris help to explain why the diplomatic efforts to forge an alliance between France and America are so urgent. France and Britain may be alike, but this likeness creates a rivalry. America, as represented by Franklin, offers France the chance to wound a rival. The diplomatic game, though met with mixed success, has the potential to be a financial catalyst for the war, allowing America to take on the British Empire through an alliance with another great empire.


Franklin’s effort to recruit France as an ally, however, is undermined by an ominous series of defeats and retreats. Franklin is aware of this during his negotiations, which cause him to write that “America should exert herself as if she had no aid to expect but from God and her own valor” (584). In a narrative sense, this muted diplomatic meeting builds suspense for the final chapters in the book. America, facing a series of military defeats, urged to show strength, is facing ruin. Washington himself is facing a potentially embarrassing dismissal. The mood in America cannot be buoyed forever by glorious defeats. As such, the crossing of the Delaware takes on an entirely new dimension. The failures of Chapters 17-19 illustrate the great stakes at play, showing how precarious everything has become.

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