68 pages 2-hour read

The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1996

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses


Part 2: “The Shifting Balance of Civilizations”

Part 2, Chapter 4 Summary: “The Fading Power of the West: Power, Culture, and Indigenization”

Huntington presents a nuanced view of Western power, contrasting its apparent dominance with evidence of long-term decline. On one hand, the West, led by the United States, holds disproportionate influence over global institutions, military affairs, economic systems, and cultural production. It controls hard currencies, international banking, advanced technology, and high-tech weaponry, and is capable of significant military intervention. This power enables it to shape political and economic outcomes in every region, rendering other civilizations dependent on Western cooperation to achieve their goals. 


Huntington juxtaposes this dominance, however, with signs of Western “decline” (82). Economic power is increasingly shifting to East Asia, India is emerging as a potential major power, and Islamic societies are becoming more resistant to Western influence. Internally, the West struggles with slow economic growth, demographic stagnation, social disintegration, and declining morale. Huntington cites scholars who note that American relative power, both economically and militarily, is eroding in favor of regional powers like China, India, and Iran, and to nonstate actors like multinational corporations.


Huntington argues that both images of Western power, dominance and decline, are simultaneously true. While the West will remain dominant into the early 21st century, fundamental shifts are underway. As the West’s global primacy diminishes, power is being redistributed to regional civilizations, particularly in Asia. China, with its rising economic and political influence, is best positioned to challenge the West. 


Three characteristics mark the West’s decline. First, it is slow, possibly spanning centuries, although historical patterns suggest that decline can eventually accelerate. Second, it is uneven, punctuated by reversals and moments of resurgence. Western societies, particularly open democratic ones, have demonstrated resilience and capacity for renewal. Third, decline involves the gradual erosion of the West’s comparative advantage in key resources—economic, military, demographic, and technological—with other civilizations closing the gap.


Huntington tracks territorial and demographic shifts to illustrate this decline. At its peak in 1920, the West controlled nearly half the world’s territory and governed almost half its population. By 1993, its territorial control had halved, and Westerners constituted only about 13% of the global population, projected to fall further. By this time, “Western governments ruled no one but Westerners” (84). In contrast, Islamic and Asian civilizations have expanded in both population and territorial influence. Literacy, urbanization, and education are rising rapidly in non-Western societies, leading to more socially mobilized and politically capable populations. These transformations reduce the West’s relative cultural and intellectual dominance. 


Economically, Huntington outlines how the West’s share of global output peaked in the early 20th century and has declined since World War II. In 1950, it accounted for 64% of world product, dropping to 49% in the 1980s and projected to fall to 30% by 2013. East Asia’s rapid growth, especially in China, is driving this shift. Manufacturing output follows a similar trajectory: The West’s share peaked at 84.2% in 1928 and declined to 57.8% by 1980.


Militarily, the West retains unmatched global deployment capabilities but faces rising competition. Following the Cold War, Russia’s military collapsed and Western countries significantly cut defense spending. Meanwhile, East Asian nations, particularly China, expanded and modernized their forces. Military technologies, including weapons of mass destruction, are spreading to non-Western states. Regional powers are enhancing their strategic capabilities, and regionalization is now central to global military dynamics. The United States has shifted its military focus from global to regional conflicts, but its capacity to engage in multiple interventions simultaneously is waning.


Cultural influence, or “soft power” (92), also declines in tandem with hard power. Huntington argues that soft power depends on economic and military strength. As Western dominance fades, non-Western societies regain confidence in their own traditions and cultures. This indigenization process is visible across the Islamic world, India, East Asia, and Russia. Political leaders and intellectuals increasingly assert the superiority of local values over Western ones. The adoption of Western education and practices by earlier generations is giving way to nativist, locally rooted alternatives. 


Democratization in non-Western societies does not guarantee Westernization. Instead, it enables the rise of indigenous movements, often religious and nationalist in nature, which challenge Western values. Elections empower leaders who reject Western norms and emphasize local identity. Huntington calls this the “democracy paradox”: Democratic processes in non-Western societies often lead to anti-Western outcomes.


The cultural resurgence is particularly visible in religion. Contrary to earlier predictions of secularization, modernization has sparked a global revival of religious commitment. Huntington describes this as “la revanche de Dieu” (95), the revenge of God, as people seek identity and meaning amid social upheaval. From Christianity in Latin America to Islam in Central Asia and Hinduism in India, traditional religions have resurged. In many cases, religious revivalism has filled the ideological vacuum left by the decline of communism and the inadequacy of Western liberalism to provide moral and social cohesion. 


Religion offers answers to the existential questions posed by rapid change. It reaffirms identity, supplies moral order, and provides social services where states fail. Religious fundamentalist movements often rise in contexts of social dislocation and modernization. These are not fringe phenomena, but responses to deep psychological and structural needs.

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “Economics, Demography, and the Challenger Civilizations”

Huntington explores two major civilizational challenges to the West: The Asian affirmation rooted in economic dynamism, and the Islamic resurgence driven by demographic and cultural revival. He argues that both movements reflect global trends of indigenization and religious revival, but their sources, trajectories, and impacts differ significantly. 


The Asian challenge arises from rapid economic growth, particularly in East Asia, where countries like Japan, South Korea, China, and the “Four Tigers” (103) experienced double-digit growth for extended periods. This economic success has instilled in Asian societies a new sense of cultural pride and civilizational confidence. Wealth is interpreted not merely as economic prowess but as proof of moral and cultural superiority. East Asians increasingly contrast their values—such as communal responsibility, discipline, and deference to authority—with what they perceive as Western decadence and individualism. Huntington notes that this newfound assertiveness manifests as a cultural renaissance, with leaders like Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew promoting Confucian values as a blueprint for modern governance and economic development.


Historically, Japan and China responded differently to Western influence. Japan adopted Western methods during the Meiji Restoration while preserving its cultural identity, enabling a controlled modernization. After World War II, Japan briefly emulated the United States, but by the 1980s, it reasserted its cultural uniqueness, distancing itself from Western models. China, after failed experiments with Western and Soviet ideologies, turned inward post-Tiananmen Square, combining capitalist reforms with authoritarian politics and Confucian nationalism. By the 1990s, both countries promoted cultural traditions not only to bolster national identity but to also legitimize political authority.


Huntington identifies four components of the Asian affirmation. First, Asians believe their economies will outpace the West and elevate their global influence. Second, they credit their cultural values for this success, emphasizing collective discipline and social harmony. Third, they stress regional commonalities, particularly Confucian ethics, and advocate intra-Asian cooperation. Fourth, they promote their development model as a global alternative, asserting that Asian values have universal relevance and can revitalize other societies. This confidence leads to an “emerging Asian universalism” (109) that parallels the historical self-perception of the West. Asian leaders now depict Western values as culturally specific rather than universal, and criticize Western societies for moral decline. As economic clout grows, so does cultural influence, creating a powerful blend of soft and hard power.


Parallel to this, Huntington examines the Islamic Resurgence, which is fueled by demographic pressures and cultural rediscovery. The Islamic world is undergoing a profound revival that encompasses religious practice, social organization, and political ideology. Muslims, rejecting Western secularism, turn to Islam as a comprehensive guide for modern life. This resurgence is not limited to political Islam or fundamentalism; it is a broad cultural and social movement affecting nearly all Muslim societies. The resurgence parallels the Protestant Reformation in its scope and ambition. Like the Reformation, it seeks to reform society entirely, returning to religious roots to rebuild moral and social order. Unlike the Reformation, however, the Islamic resurgence spans nearly every Muslim-majority society, making it one of the most pervasive religious movements of the late 20th century.


Socially, the resurgence has led to the spread of Islamic schools, charities, and welfare networks, often outperforming state institutions. In countries like Egypt, Jordan, and Indonesia, Islamist organizations fill governance voids by offering education, healthcare, and social services. Politically, the movement has been driven largely by students, professionals, and recent urban migrants. These groups are products of modernization, often highly educated, and socially mobile. They represent a generation seeking identity and legitimacy through Islam, often in opposition to corrupt or secular regimes.

Islamist movements have dominated opposition politics in many countries, partly due to the weakness of liberal democratic forces and the failure of communism. While secular opposition groups were often suppressed or marginalized, Islamist groups used mosques, schools, and social networks as platforms for political organization. In some instances, regimes even encouraged Islamists to counterbalance other threats, inadvertently strengthening their political hand. Governments responded by integrating Islamic values into state policies and symbols. Leaders from Morocco to Malaysia embraced Islamic rhetoric and promoted Islamic education and legal reforms. While these efforts served as political strategies, they also deepened societal Islamization and reinforced the appeal of Islamist ideologies.


Demographic growth has further intensified this trend. Muslim societies have some of the highest population growth rates globally, especially among youth aged 15 to 24. This demographic bulge has provided the manpower for Islamist activism, migration, and at times, militancy. Huntington draws historical parallels to other youth-driven upheavals, arguing that the Islamic youth bulge is a powerful driver of political and social instability. These demographic and cultural dynamics make the Islamic resurgence a destabilizing force in global politics. Youth-driven activism challenges both Muslim governments and neighboring non-Muslim societies. Population pressures spur migration, intensify resource competition, and create friction along civilizational fault lines. Huntington warns that these factors are central to understanding future conflicts between the Islamic world and the West.


While both the Asian affirmation and the Islamic resurgence are destabilizing in the short term, their long-term trajectories differ. Huntington predicts that Asian economic growth will eventually moderate, leading to more complex and potentially more pluralistic political systems. These may not be pro-Western, but will reflect increased regional influence and a shift in global power structures. 


In contrast, the Islamic resurgence, driven largely by demography and cultural revival, will lose momentum as population growth slows in the second and third decades of the 21st century. Nevertheless, both movements will leave lasting legacies. In Asia, cultural pride and economic strength will redefine global institutions and norms. In the Islamic world, the resurgence will strengthen collective identity, indigenization, and transnational Islamist networks. Even if political Islam loses its appeal, new forms of anti-Western nationalism may rise, further complicating global relations.

Part 2 Analysis

In Part 2, Huntington approaches the question of Western dominance with ambivalence. On the one hand, he recognizes the historical reality of the West’s ascendancy since the early modern period, particularly in its military, economic, and ideological influence. On the other hand, he has no pretensions about what he sees as the limits of that dominance in the contemporary world. In The Clash of Civilizations, he neither celebrates Western superiority nor calls for its expansion; instead, he warns that the West’s moment of unchallenged power is fading and that its future hinges on its ability to accept a multipolar civilizational world order. 


Huntington’s notion of decline is not dramatic or apocalyptic. He does not suggest that the West is collapsing, but rather that it is facing a relative decline in power and cultural influence, exposing The Limits of Ideological Paradigms like Western universalism. Though Huntington is critical of efforts to impose Western norms globally, he does not renounce Western values themselves. His tone implies that those values—individual liberty, secular governance, rule of law—are worth preserving, but must be defended within a civilizational context rather than through universalist ambitions. He cautions that attempts to universalize Western ideals may provoke resistance and conflict rather than convergence, hinting at his own moral and ideological position even while trying to create an overarching model for geopolitics which may not accommodate such positions.


Another example of Huntington’s subtle biases can be found in the differing ways in which he presents various civilizations and The Role of Religion in Politics, especially when addressing Islamic countries and the resurgence of traditional Confucian beliefs in Asian societies. In Huntington’s comparative analysis, Muslim and Asian civilizations are both positioned as challengers to Western power, but they are framed in markedly different terms. The contrast lies not only in the political and strategic roles he assigns to them, but also in the tone and emphasis of his discussion. 


When Huntington describes the Islamic world, his focus is on instability and conflict. He draws attention to the demographic growth, religious revivalism, and frequency of violent interactions involving Muslim states. His language often suggests volatility: Islam has “bloody borders” (254), he writes more explicitly in later chapters, and is frequently engaged in civilizational fault line conflicts. The primary concern here is cultural and political incompatibility, with Huntington framing Islam as a civilization that struggles to integrate with others, particularly the West. 


In contrast, his treatment of Asian civilization—especially Confucian East Asia—is more analytical and restrained. He emphasizes strategic ambition, economic dynamism, and political assertiveness rather than religious zeal or civilizational friction. The challenge posed by Asia is framed as pragmatic and systemic, as an emerging power bloc seeking to alter the global balance of power through economic strength and political coordination, not ideological confrontation. This is ironic given contemporary American efforts to compete with China.


In Huntington’s framework, both Asian and Muslim civilizations are portrayed as fundamentally distinct from the West and increasingly assertive in defending their cultural autonomy, invoking The Nature of Civilizational Identity and Conflict. While he avoids saying outright that conflict is inevitable, his descriptions strongly suggest that antagonism between these civilizations and the West is structurally embedded in the post-Cold War order. Huntington frames Asian civilizations—particularly the Confucian states led by China—as seeking to reshape global power dynamics. He emphasizes their efforts to modernize militarily, expand economically, and resist Western pressure on human rights and governance. Asia’s rise is not just a material fact: It signals the emergence of an alternative civilizational model that competes with Western liberalism. 


Muslim civilization, by contrast, is portrayed less as a rising peer and more as a site of conflict. Huntington suggests that the Islamic world’s historical grievances, religious resurgence, and demographic expansion create a volatile mix that frequently puts it at odds with both the West and its neighbors. He emphasizes cultural friction, fault line wars, and a recurring pattern of violence at the Islamic periphery. This framing contributes to a sense that conflict is more deeply embedded in the West’s relationship with Islam than with Asia.

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