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The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996) is a political treatise by political scientist Samuel P. Huntington. Huntington’s thesis is that post-Cold War global conflicts will be defined less by ideology or economics and more by cultural and civilizational identities. He argues that future clashes will occur along cultural fault lines among major civilizations such as Western, Islamic, Sinic, Hindu, Orthodox, and others, reshaping international relations.
This guide uses the 2002 Free Press edition of The Clash of Civilizations.
In The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Samuel P. Huntington argues that, in the post-Cold War world, the primary source of global conflict will not be ideological or economic, but cultural. This cultural conflict will occur between the world’s major civilizations, which he describes as broad cultural groupings defined by shared language, history, religion, and tradition. Huntington challenges the dominant view that the post-Cold War era will usher in greater peace under a liberal democratic order, famously articulated by Francis Fukuyama as “the end of history.” Instead, Huntington proposes that humanity is entering a new phase of history in which civilizational identity will become the dominant force shaping global politics.
At the heart of Huntington’s argument is the idea that civilizations are the most enduring and meaningful forms of human association. Civilizations, such as Western, Islamic, Sinic (Chinese), Hindu, Orthodox, Latin American, Japanese, and African, represent distinct cultural systems that have evolved over centuries. Unlike ideologies, which may rise and fall within decades, civilizations possess deep roots in the collective consciousness of people. Huntington asserts that as modernization spreads across the globe, it does not bring about a cultural convergence. Rather, it creates a backlash, as non-Western societies strengthen their own civilizational identities in response to what they perceive as Western dominance and cultural imperialism.
Huntington distinguishes between different types of conflict that arise from civilizational interaction. “Fault line wars” are localized conflicts that occur between neighboring groups of different civilizations, such as Muslims and Hindus in South Asia, or Orthodox Christians and Muslims in the Balkans. These conflicts are marked by their intensity and duration, as they are fueled by issues of identity, religion, and historical grievance rather than political ideology or material gain. In contrast, “core state conflicts” are broader, systemic confrontations between the leading powers of different civilizations, such as a possible future rivalry between the United States and China. These core states, Huntington argues, serve as leaders or cultural anchors for their respective civilizations, playing a key role in mediating or exacerbating cross-civilizational tensions.
Huntington controversially points to the frequency of violent conflict between Islamic societies and their non-Muslim neighbors, as well as to internal struggles within the Islamic world. Huntington attributes this to structural characteristics within Islamic civilization, including a history of expansionist zeal, a lack of a single core state, and ongoing internal sectarian divisions, particularly between Sunni and Shia Muslims. At the same time, he views the Islamic Resurgence—a widespread return to religious identity and political Islam—as a key example of how civilizational revival manifests in the post-Cold War period. This resurgence, far from being a marginal phenomenon, is central to Huntington’s argument that cultural identity, especially religion, has returned to the center of political life.
Huntington argues that the Western belief in the universality of its values such as democracy, secularism, and human rights is both arrogant and dangerous. He contends that Western civilization is just one among many and that attempts to impose Western norms globally will generate resistance. The post-Cold War effort to expand NATO, promote liberal democracy, and export market capitalism, Huntington warns, will alienate non-Western civilizations and fuel resentment. Rather than universalism, Huntington advocates for a form of civilizational pluralism, in which each civilization respects the sovereignty and values of others. He believes that the West must come to terms with its relative decline and abandon its pretensions of global leadership, opting instead for a posture of humility and cultural self-restraint.
Huntington also examines tensions between globalization and civilizational identity. While globalization increases economic interdependence and technological connectivity, Huntington argues that it also heightens awareness of cultural difference. In a more interconnected world, people are more frequently confronted with foreign values and customs, leading them to cling more tightly to their own identities. This dynamic fuels the revival of religion, nationalism, and traditionalism around the world, as individuals and societies seek a sense of rootedness.
In this sense, Huntington pays special attention to “torn countries,” those that straddle civilizational boundaries or attempt to shift their alignment from one civilization to another. He highlights Turkey, Mexico, and Russia as prominent examples. Turkey, a Muslim-majority country with strong historical and religious ties to Islamic civilization, has sought to integrate into Western institutions like NATO and the European Union. However, its internal divisions and cultural dissonance illustrate the deep difficulty of redefining a national identity at odds with civilizational heritage. Huntington argues that such transitions are fraught with conflict and instability, both domestically and internationally, and rarely succeed unless both elite and popular sentiment align in the same direction.
Huntington asserts that alliances are increasingly formed not around shared interests or ideologies, but around shared cultural identities. This is particularly evident, he claims, in the collaboration between Islamic and Confucian civilizations to oppose Western military and diplomatic initiatives. Huntington sees civilizational alignments not as ephemeral coalitions but as enduring strategic patterns grounded in historical and cultural kinship. He predicts that these blocs will compete for influence in global institutions, military development, and the formation of regional orders.
While Huntington does not offer a utopian vision of peace, he does propose a path to stability through civilizational understanding and mutual respect. He believes that core states within civilizations must act as responsible leaders, managing their own spheres of influence and cooperating with others to prevent fault line wars from escalating. He advocates for a “world order based on civilizations,” where each major power acknowledges and respects the autonomy of others. In this model, peace is not the product of universal values or global governance, but of pragmatic diplomacy, cultural recognition, and balance of power.
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