The Fourth Turning Is Here: What the Seasons of History Tell Us about How and When This Crisis Will End

Neil Howe

62 pages 2-hour read

Neil Howe

The Fourth Turning Is Here: What the Seasons of History Tell Us about How and When This Crisis Will End

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Part 2, Chapters 6-8Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Climax of Winter”

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “A Winter Chronology”

The WWII era established a powerful new civic order through collective sacrifice, a pattern that repeats each saeculum. Howe argues that history cannot be reversed: A society cannot move from an Unraveling to a High without passing through a Crisis.


The Fourth Turning is saecular winter, a time of maximum darkness when social order reaches its nadir but community begins to regenerate. This culminates in what the ancients called “Ekpyrosis,” a fiery moment of destruction and rebirth ending the old saeculum and starting the new. Howe presents a six-phase chronology common to all Crises: a precursor emergency during the prior Unraveling, a catalyst that shifts the public mood, a regeneracy drawing people into powerful new communities, a consolidation when everyone grasps that a true survival struggle has begun, a climax confirming the old order’s death, and a resolution establishing the new order.


Howe analyzes six prior Anglo-American Crises. The Great Depression-WWII Crisis (1929-1946) had WWI as its precursor and the 1929 crash as its catalyst. The first regeneracy came with Roosevelt’s 1933 New Deal. After it ebbed amid court-packing backlash and the 1937 recession, a second regeneracy emerged in mid-1940 around military preparedness. Pearl Harbor marked the consolidation, the D-Day and Pacific victories marked the climax, and the 1945-1946 settlement established new domestic programs, expanded rights, and the G.I. Bill that made higher education affordable for more Americans than ever before.


The Civil War Crisis (1860-1865) had the Mexican-American War as its precursor. The secession of Southern states following Abraham Lincoln’s 1860 election was the catalyst. The Battle of Fort Sumter, which started the Civil War, was the regeneracy; the Emancipation Proclamation was the consolidation; William T. Sherman’s capture of Atlanta, Georgia, was the climax; and the 13th Amendment and Robert E. Lee’s surrender constituted the resolution. The American Revolution Crisis (1773-1794) had the French and Indian War as its precursor and the 1774 Coercive Acts as its catalyst. Concord and Lexington marked the first regeneracy. After the 1783 Treaty of Paris, economic depression prompted a second regeneracy, with calls for a constitutional convention. The Constitution’s ratification in 1788 was the climax; Washington’s functioning administration was the resolution.


Howe briefly discusses three earlier Crises: the Glorious Revolution (1675-1706), the Armada Crisis (1569-1597), and the Wars of the Roses (1455-1487). Despite vast differences across seven centuries, the same chronology appears in each, driven by unchanging generational rhythms.

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: “The Millennial Crisis”

The chapter opens with Google Ngram data showing record-high usage since 2008 of conflict-related words like “radical,” “authoritarian,” and “next civil war,” while references to civic institutions have declined. Howe applies the Crisis chronology to the present.


The precursor was the post-9/11 “War on Terror,” which briefly interrupted the Unraveling before Americans returned to fueling a housing bubble. The catalyst was the 2008 global financial crisis. Despite unprecedented stimulus, economic performance remained weak, and inequality widened.


The first regeneracy arrived with Donald Trump’s 2016 election to the presidency, mobilizing both partisan tribes to unprecedented intensity. Trump maintained an adversarial stance through the pandemic while approving massive COVID relief spending. After his 2020 defeat, he refused to concede. At his urging, supporters stormed the Capitol on January 6, 2021. Though there was no evidence of meaningful election fraud, most Republican voters followed Trump and other Republican officials in questioning the election’s legitimacy. Incoming president Joe Biden’s ambitious agenda was largely thwarted by partisan gridlock.


Since 2016, voter participation has soared, partisan emotions have intensified, political violence has risen, and ticket splitting has plummeted. Both parties have gained by magnifying threats, creating self-reinforcing tribal realities. The 2016 election may signal a historic realignment toward a “seventh party system” in which education level replaces income as the key voting determinant, accelerated by the “Big Sort” as Americans choose politically homogenous communities.


Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine introduced a major geopolitical challenge, but US support for Ukraine swiftly became another partisan issue. Howe suggests that the first regeneracy may be ending without a new one having begun. Americans report deep pessimism about national prospects while maintaining high satisfaction with personal life, a gap characteristic of Crisis eras.


Howe forecasts the climax around 2030 and resolution around 2032-2034. He outlines three likely scenarios: internal conflict escalating to civil war, one side achieving dominance and leading an external war, or a second regeneracy redefining the partisan divide. Three major stressors may shape the outcome: another financial crash, civil war, or a great-power war with an adversary bloc of China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea. However the path unfolds, the Crisis will culminate in Ekpyrosis, a violent struggle whose outcome will establish a new civic regime.

Part 2, Chapter 8 Summary: “How Our Society Will Change”

This chapter examines how Crisis eras transform society. After the Revolution, Civil War, and WWII, the US felt reborn with expanded civic capacity and collective purpose.


Howe explains the paradox of modernity: Progress pushes society back into recurring periods of violent regime change because powerful institutions cannot easily reform themselves. Drawing on biologists David Sloan Wilson and E. O. Wilson, he notes that within groups, selfish behavior dominates, but groups enforcing altruism outperform selfish groups. Awakenings favor selfishness; Crises demand and thus engender the collective altruism that Howe—borrowing from 14th-century Islamic scholar Khaldun—calls ’asabiyya.


The chapter concludes by addressing modern anxieties about the decline of American democracy, noting that great leaders are made by Crises and that the Millennial generation is capable of galvanizing civic rebirth. Howe predicts that the current partisan divide will yield to new consensus by the mid-2030s, though future party divisions will differ entirely from today’s.

Part 2, Chapters 6-8 Analysis

Howe employs a highly structured, systematic chronology of Crisis eras as a central argumentative device. By establishing a fixed six-phase sequence—precursor, catalyst, regeneracy, consolidation, climax, resolution—and applying it meticulously to six past Anglo-American Crises, he aims to establish a pattern of historical inevitability. Each case study, from the Wars of the Roses to WWII, conditions the readers to see historical upheaval as a predictable, recurring process. The examinations of the Great Depression-WWII Crisis and the Civil War Crisis, in particular, serve as the primary analogues for the present moment. This methodological rigidity provides a seemingly empirical framework for Howe’s speculations about the relationship between past and future, making its subsequent application to the “Millennial Crisis” in Chapter 7 appear less like a forecast and more like a logical deduction based on established precedent.


Howe borrows the ancient Greek Stoics’ concept of “Ekpyrosis,” or a “fiery moment of death and discontinuity” (187), to elevate his socio-political forecast to the level of myth or elemental force, a rhetorical strategy that he turns to throughout the book as he endeavors to ground his theory of The Cyclical Nature of History in ancient traditions. He reinforces this framing with naturalistic metaphors, asserting that just as “[f]orests need periodic fires” and “[r]ivers need periodic floods,” societies require similar moments of destructive renewal (188). Each of these metaphors echoes the extended nature metaphor at the center of the book, comparing the cycle of four “turnings” to the four seasons. These metaphors naturalize violent upheaval as a functionally necessary and ultimately restorative process. By linking their forecast to ancient wisdom and the rhythms of the natural world, Howe guides readers toward an interpretation of Crisis as a harsh but essential cleansing, a perspective that underpins the theme of Crisis as a Catalyst for National Mobilization.


As elsewhere in the book, Howe integrates frameworks from sociology and evolutionary biology to lend his theory an authority that transcends historical interpretation. Citing Charles Tilly’s maxim that “[w]ar made the state, and the state made war” (278), he grounds the destructive aspect of a Crisis in the established academic concept of modern state formation, portraying it as a feedback loop essential for civic progress. Furthermore, he cites evolutionary biologists David Sloan Wilson and E.O. Wilson, who state that “[s]elfishness beats altruism within groups. Altruistic groups beat selfish groups” (282), to explain the shift in social mood from an individualistic Unraveling to a collectivist Crisis, though many evolutionary biologists object strenuously to the application of their findings to human social systems—a tension that goes back to the beginnings of the field, as Charles Darwin’s theory of natural selection was almost immediately misapplied in the form of social Darwinism, a Victorian-era pseudoscience whose sole function was to justify existing racial and class inequality. Howe’s appeal to external scientific authority serves a key persuasive purpose, suggesting that the generational cycle is not an arbitrary cultural phenomenon but is rooted in the objective logic of human social dynamics.


This section synthesizes the book’s major themes by articulating how a Crisis serves as a catalyst for renewal. Howe argues that only the extreme duress of a Fourth Turning can force a society to make its most durable commitments, a paradoxical logic captured in the observation that major reforms happen “not on a sunny summer day—but on a dark winter day when citizens’ backs are against the wall” (301). This framework presents the Crisis as the system’s primary corrective mechanism.

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