69 pages • 2-hour read
Siddhartha MukherjeeA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Content Warning: This section includes discussion of anti-gay bias, mental illness, and death by suicide.
Mukherjee turns his attention to the question of whether genes determine identity. An early and pernicious notion around heredity was that various human “races” were fundamentally different from each other. However, Darwin’s Origin of Species put paid to such notions, since the idea of evolution through natural selection suggested a common ancestry for each species.
In the 1980s, a Berkeley biochemist named Allan Wilson tried to answer the question of the age of modern humans by using the observation that the oldest family in a region contains the most diversity in gene variations. The age of the entire tribe of humanity could be calculated by extending this logic. Wilson chose to study mitochondrial DNA in human specimens to ascertain the degrees of variation. Mitochondrial DNA is stored not in the DNA, but in mitochondria, and does not cross over, making it a living artefact, “an ideal genetic timekeeper” (335).
Wilson’s studies showed a startling result: The variation in the mitochondrial DNA was surprisingly small, suggesting modern humans are much younger than previously thought, and arise from a relatively small geographical area. By 2008, further studies established that modern humans arose somewhere in sub-Saharan Africa between 100,000 and 200,000 years ago, from where they migrated to the rest of the world.
Further studies on the mitochondria showed that its DNA passes only from the mother to her children, which means a maternal mitochondrial line is extinguished when a woman only has sons. (Sons inherit mitochondrial DNA but cannot pass it on). Thus, the diversity of the mitochondrial genome shrinks over time; in modern humans the mitochondria is so homogenous it can now be traced to a single human female from Africa.
Returning to the issue of race and genes, quantitative studies have definitively shown that greater variations occur within so-called racial groups than in between races. Though some genes are linked with ethnicity, such as the preponderance of sickle-cell anemia in Africa and India, genetic diversity within a racial group far dominates any other diversity. Thus, genetics debunks the notion of the difference between races.
Mukherjee highlights the complex nature between genes and identity through the story of his mother Tulu, and her identical twin, Bulu. Bulu, the older by several minutes, was born undernourished and weak and grew up timid, while Tulu was boisterous and chatty. Marriage marked a further divergence in their fortunes, with Tulu marrying Mukherjee’s father, “a penniless immigrant” (353) and Bulu wedding a wealthy lawyer in Calcutta. In another twist of fate, the fortunes of the sisters reversed, as Mukherjee’s father’s corporate job brought his family affluence and holidays abroad, while Tulu’s husband’s law practice dwindled.
Mukherjee recalls that the sisters—born with near-identical features—even began to look different. At the same time, they continued to share an uncanny bond, leading him to believe that though the twins were no longer recognizably identical, “they shared the first derivative of identity” (355). Perhaps this first derivative is what an individual’s genetic structure gives them.
The greatest of such derivatives, of course, is biological sex. In 1903, Nettie Stevens located maleness to the Y chromosome, revolutionizing the theory of sex determination. Females were born with an XX configuration in each cell, and men with an XY pair. Scientists questioned which was the sex-determining gene. Peter Goodfellow, a geneticist in London, discovered the answer in the 1980s while studying women born with Swyer syndrome. In Swyer syndrome, women are anatomically female but have XY chromosomes in all their cells. It is almost as if the gene for maleness is switched off in such cases. Examining the genome of women with Swyer’s syndrome, Goodfellow found a mutation in the SRY gene, suggesting it was the gene linked with maleness.
In addition to sexual anatomy, genes also affect gender identity, as seen in cases where individuals have a sexual identity forced on them. An example of the persistence of gender identity was David Reimer, a genetic male named Bruce at birth. Bruce’s penis was severely damaged in infancy. Psychiatrists convinced Bruce’s parents to raise him as a girl called Brenda, but Bruce was never happy with the forced lifestyle. At 14, Brenda switched her name to David and refused gender reassignment surgery. David lived as a male, but continued to have mental health issues and died by suicide in 2004.
Nowhere was the push to conflate genetic sex, gender identity, and sexuality more prominent than in the case of same-sex attracted people. Till the 1980s, most psychiatrists believed same-sex attraction was acquired, which is why gender reprogramming and conversion initiatives were common in this period. If “homosexuality” was acquired, it could also be programmed away.
However, in 1993, a discovery by Dean Hamer, a researcher at the National Cancer Institute, changed the conversation around sexuality. Hamer, who happened to be gay, interviewed hundreds of gay men to construct their family trees. Concordance between twins and siblings was the expected finding, but Hamer also discovered that gay men tended to have gay uncles, but only on the maternal side. This strongly suggested that genes contributing to sexuality were located on the X chromosome. Hamer would even narrow down the heritable elements to a location near Xq28, although the specific genes are yet to be found.
Hamer’s findings galvanized the media, with one headline claiming mothers would now feel “guilty” about the sexuality of their sons. Though Hamer’s studies were twisted by the media, they are important in suggesting sexuality is an ingrained trait. The key difference from biological sex was that multiple gene systems—and not a single SRY—influenced sexual orientation and identity.
Since it is the interaction among chance, environment, and genetics that creates identity, there must be a mechanism by which chance or fate influences the cells. The controversial field of epigenetics may hold some answers. In the 1950s, English embryologist Conrad Waddington observed that a cell’s environment affected its use of genes, turning genes on and off. He coined the term epigenetics or “above genetics” for the phenomenon.
Waddington’s theory was proven by a study of the family trees of the victims and survivors of the Hongerwinter, or the Hunger Winter, the famine northern Holland suffered in 1944 as occupying German forces stopped the northwards movement of food and coal. Children of women pregnant during the Hongerwinter were found to suffer from metabolic disorders, such as obesity and diabetes in their adulthood. Surprisingly, these conditions were even found in the third generation, suggesting that the famine had imprinted itself in the genetic memory of the victims.
Genetic memory challenges a key feature of Darwinian evolution in that it suggests experiences shape organisms in an heritable manner. However, Darwin had argued that heritable changes are the result of only mutation, survival, and selection. Epigenetics was reconciled with Darwin’s theories when it was found that environmental factors do not change the genes themselves, but append permanent stamps above genes.
The stamps are a methyl group that attaches to a part of DNA, signaling for the gene to switch off. When the stamps are appended to master-regulator genes (the most critical genes), whole metabolic functions are affected. For instance, in case of the Hongerwinter, prolonged starvation caused master-regulator genes to be stamped to slow down metabolism. Since even the germ cells were stamped, the memory of the starvation response carried to future generations.
Continuing to examine Heredity, Chance, and Environment Resisting Simple Determinism, Mukherjee shows how biological sex is one of the most important determiners of genetic identity, in that cells are almost always XX or XY. While at first glance it may seem the narrative leans towards biological determinism, in that one’s chromosomal make-up defines biological sex, Mukherjee is actually making the case that chromosomal make-up, anatomy, gender identity, and sexuality are all discrete concepts. While they overlap in most people, they can be distinct in several others. When Mukherjee emphasizes that sexuality and gender identity have a genetic component, he does not imply that biological sex and gender are the same. Rather, he wants to emphasize that gender is not just a social construct which can be reprogrammed or “converted;” it is also genetic and therefore, fundamental, in nature.
The flip side of linking gender and sexuality with genes is panic around the “gay gene,” such as what occurred during the early 1990s. With same-sex-attraction in men shown to have a genetic component, especially through the maternal line, the discovery gave rise to calls for a way to test and isolate “gayness,” leading to further stigmatization of same-sex-attracted men. This unfortunate fallout of a genetic discovery explores the text’s motif of genetic knowledge being a double-edged sword. Mukherjee notes that Hamer’s discovery was attacked both by conservatives and liberals, with anti-gay lobbies accusing him of “justifying” same-sex attraction and advocates of gay rights protesting that Hamer was furthering “new mechanisms of detection and discrimination” (377).
This theme is also examined through the fresh facet of epigenetics in this section. Epigenetics adds further layers between genotype and phenotype, suggesting that a chance event like the Hongerwinter can produce a change in the genes that lasts generations. Chance and circumstance, therefore, play a greater role in phenotype than anticipated, once again emphasizing that genes are not an individual’s destiny.
Scientifically useful as the concept of epigenetics may be, Mukherjee terms epigenetics one of “the most controversial arenas in the history of the gene” (392), invoking The Ethics of Eugenics and Gene Editing in Policy and Medicine. This is because epigenetics can be used to “justify junk science and enforce stifling definitions of normalcy” (406). The narrative offers a hypothesis for the dangerous use of epigenetics: If autism, for instance, is found to be linked with epigenetic factors, mothers may be pressured to minimize these factors, such as anxiety or stress, in utero. This is just a few steps away from mothers being blamed for a child having severe autism. Once again, the narrative returns to the motif of a neutral scientific discovery being twisted by dangerous agendas.
The concept of epigenetics builds on the motif of memory permeating the text. Mukherjee uses a literary allusion to show how epigenetics may act as the gatekeeper of genetic memory: In the story “Funes the Memorious,” by Jorge Luis Borges, an accident causes Funes to remember every moment of his life. What should make him prodigious ends up stalling him, with Funes incapacitated by the influx of memories. The human genome would be like Funes, since it contains the memory to build every cell in the body. Epigenetics selects which memory to shut off or silence, thus enabling the Funes of the genome to work. Too much memory, the text suggests, can be paralyzing. As always, existence is poised on the edge of a knife, between constancy and variation, memory and forgetting.
The narrative itself contains elements of memoir, with Mukherjee frequently recounting intimate memories, such as his worry about his daughters inheriting mental-health issues. In this section, a story about his mother and her twin operates almost as a parable to show the complex, ever-twisting role between genes and identity. One particular moment between Tulu and Bulu shows Mukherjee both their convergence and divergence: Bulu, his aunt, reading the travel guides of the countries Tulu, his mother, had actually visited and saying, “I’ve been there too” (354). Mukherjee understood that circumstances had molded the sisters into vastly different people, but they still retained the same optimistic worldview: “To see the world through the eyes of my mother was also to see it through the eyes of her twin, except perhaps with lenses tinted in slightly different colors” (355).



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