The Histories

Tacitus begins his history on January 1, 69 CE. Other historians, he says, have written about the 820 years of Roman history that came before this. When they were writing about the Roman Republic, they wrote eloquently, but since the rise of the Principate, truth in history has suffered. Historians have used their work to express flattery of rulers or hatred of enemies. While flattery can easily be dismissed, hatred in history writing often seems independent, but Tacitus argues that neither is useful.

Tacitus then discloses that he had not known the emperors Servius Sulpicius Galba, Marcus Salvius Otho, or Aulus Vitellius, but his career began by service to Flavius Vespasianus (Vespasian). His history is intended to cover the period of 69-96 CE, and Tacitus claims that later, he will examine the reigns of Nerva and Trajan. The period he covers was one of disasters and social upheaval; “slaves were bribed to turn against their masters, freedmen [former enslaved peoples granted freedom] against their patrons, while those who lack an enemy were ruined by their friends” (4). Yet despite this, some remained virtuous, and Tacitus says that he will tell their stories.

Before he continues with this story, Tacitus wants to give some background to it. The death of Nero (June of 68 CE) and end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty led to a period of confusion, as a “well-hidden secret of the principate had been revealed” (5): Emperors could be appointed outside of Rome. While Galba was making his way from Spain—where he was a provincial governor—to Rome, the Senate began to exercise increased freedom, being overjoyed at the end of the tyrannical Nero. However, the lower classes had liked Nero’s games and were discontent. When Galba arrived in Rome, his popularity rapidly decreased because of his brutality and stinginess and the corruption of his advisors (who were effectively running his government).

Tacitus then examines the key provinces of the Roman Empire, describing the feelings of the legions in all. Spain and Gaul were content, but the Rhine legions were worryingly discontent. Britain, the Balkans, Africa, and much of the East were still peaceful, but the Syrian legions were led by the ambitious Licinius Mucianus. Tacitus also describes the Flavians for the first time, mentioning that Vespasian was leading the Roman suppression of a revolt in the province of Judea, while his son Titus Flavius Vespasianus was being sent to pay his respects to Galba. By this time, there were already prophecies that the Flavians would rule.

A few days after January 1, 69 CE, a letter arrived in Rome, announcing that the legions on the Rhine River were in revolt. They were calling for the Senate and the people of Rome to elect a new emperor. This spurred Galba to strengthen his reign by adopting an heir, a move that many had urged him toward already, as he was old and unhealthy. The powers behind Galba’s throne, namely Titus Vinius, Cornelius Laco, and the freedman Icelus, were unsure of who to choose. Vinius proposed Otho (a young aristocrat who had once been close with Nero) as the heir, but the others rejected this, as they worried about his character.

Galba instead chose a man named Piso Licinianus (potentially due to Laco’s lobbying). Piso was an aristocrat with a reputation for strict morality among his supporters and bad temper among his detractors. Tacitus includes a speech that he claims Galba gave to Piso. In this, Galba says that in choosing a successor who seems suited for the role instead of a family member, he is looking after the good of the state. Piso’s noble character has promoted him, but he warns Piso that sycophants will try to damage his character through aimless flattery. Galba also says that if the empire could be ruled by a republic, then he would have preferred this. In exchange for political liberty, emperors must provide their subjects good rule by selecting the best man as heir, with public opinion helping guide their choice. Galba finishes the speech by saying that a useful way to discern good from bad policy is by thinking about whether he would like it if he were not an emperor.

Piso apparently did not react to his appointment, with this unaltered manner showing that he possessed the disposition but not the desire to be emperor. When Piso’s adoption was announced to the Praetorians (the emperor’s bodyguards), Tacitus says that there were storms that many perceived as a bad omen. Galba also did not hand out any gifts to the Praetorians after the imperial adoption, which Tacitus holds would have secured their loyalty. Instead, the Praetorians were discontent, and Galba’s regime was brought down four days later.

Meanwhile, Otho’s expensive tastes, belief that Piso had taken his rightful role, and fear that Galba would eventually order his assassination made his desire for rebellion grow. He felt that he had a short window in which he could act. Galba’s authority was at a low, and Piso had not yet established himself. Other factors also encouraged Otho, including an astrologer who said that he was destined to be emperor.

On January 14, Otho hired two people to stir revolt in the army. The next day, Otho snuck into the Praetorian barracks, where some guards acclaimed him emperor. Hearing about this, Piso was sent to secure the Praetorian’s loyalty. He arrived at the barracks and gave a speech about their duty and Otho’s immorality, but this did not have a large impact. A mob also gathered outside of the imperial palace, demanding the execution of Otho because they wanted entertainment. Before Galba could decide his next step, a false rumor was circulated that Otho had died (Tacitus posits that this may have been spread by Othonian agents, trying to lure Galba out of the palace). Due to this rumor, people broke into the palace and carried Galba out on a chair to parade him through the streets. At the same time, the Praetorians were firmly siding with Otho. He was also lifted on a chair and taken out of their camp, gathering more support as he was taken through the city.

Otho gave a speech to his supporters to inspire them. He told them that they must now win or be punished together. He also mentioned Galba’s brutality, his lack of military victories, the corruption of his advisors, and the bad omen at the announcement of Piso’s adoption. Otho concluded that the Roman people would support them and that they would face little resistance. Simultaneously, Piso met back up with Galba, who was on his way to the Forum. Otho’s soldiers charged into the Forum and, regardless of the sanctity of nearby temples, assaulted Galba’s retinue. Galba was killed (though how exactly was disputed), as were many of his allies. Tacitus identifies one hero of the day: Sempronius Densus, the bodyguard of Piso. He gave his life to buy time for Piso to flee to a temple. However, Densus’s sacrifice was soon made pointless, as Piso was dragged out of the temple and killed. The Senate and the People of Rome abandoned Galba’s cause, swearing loyalty to Otho. The soldiers were given rewards such as permission to appoint their own officers, and the remaining key members of Galba’s regime were rounded up and executed.

Tacitus eulogizes Galba as lacking in vices but not possessing good qualities. He was ultimately too miserly and not very wise. His previous professional success meant that “everyone [was] judged capable of being an emperor—but then he took power” (33).

The Rhine legions were still in revolt, and the Romans were afraid of the dangers of civil war. They were especially worried that Otho and Vitellius (who had by now emerged as the leader of the Rhine revolt) were “the two most despicable men in the whole world” (33). Whichever won the war, Rome would lose. Some stories were also circulating about the possibility of Vespasian leading a revolt of the eastern legions.

Tacitus says that he will now explain how the Vitellian revolt began. The Rhine legions were discontent. They felt that they could earn loot from war and were worried about rumors that they would be disbanded. The legionaries were both aware of the strength they had and feared that they would soon lose this if they did nothing. The legionary commanders Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens also wanted to fight because they had been slighted by Galba and were exceptionally ambitious individuals. Vitellius was a favored candidate to lead a revolt because of his excessive generosity toward the soldiers; however, his lazy temperament meant that he took little action.

The Fourth and 22nd Legions began the revolt when they were ordered to swear loyalty to Galba to mark the new year. Instead, they destroyed portraits of him and swore to the Senate and People of Rome. Vitellius, who was nearby, heard about the rebellion that evening and felt that the troops would get behind a candidate for emperor if one was found. Valens ordered the First Legion (under his command) to swear loyalty to Vitellius. The rest of the Rhine legions followed suit, and Vitellius distributed payments among the soldiers to show his thankfulness. Various unpopular officials were soon imprisoned or killed. Tacitus specifies that the Batavian leader Julius Civilis was among those spared because of his popularity among his tribe and the strength of the Batavian auxiliaries in the Vitellian army.

Vitellius decided on the strategy of winning over or conquering the Gallic provinces and then ordering a two-pronged attack of Italy: Valens would assault through the Cottian Alps and Caecina through the Peinne. The news of Otho’s ascension did not deter them. Vitellius would follow these attacks with another army. Valens’s army began their march, but when approaching the Mediomatrici tribe, they panicked and attacked civilians. After this, Gaul submitted to Vitellius out of fear. The army was also used to settle disputes, and Valens allegedly used it as a threat to extract financial and sexual favors from locals. Caecina’s army was even more freely engaging in looting, especially in the lands of the Helvetii tribe. Caecina soon heard that a military unit on the far side of the Alps had defected from Otho, and he took advantage of the opportunity this created, quickly crossing the Alps.

Otho reacted quickly to this threat, and Tacitus admits that he acted like a ruler. He recalled the previously disgraced general Marius Celsus and communicated with Vitellius. In their letters, both first attempted to bribe each other into surrender and then accused the other of debauchery (Tacitus comments that this was a rare occasion in which both were right). Several provinces were loyal to Otho, whose ownership of Rome gave him political authority. These included most of the eastern reaches of the empire, where Vespasian ordered his legions to confirm their loyalty. The Praetorian guards also continued to be loyal to Otho, even rioting when they thought someone was arming soldiers to kill him. Following this, Otho thanked them in a speech but reminded them that when on campaign, they would need to be obedient to his decisions.

For the civil war, Otho planned naval raids against southern Gaul and a head-on confrontation with the Vitellian invasion of Italy. As he rode out of Rome, he was cheered by the people, who Tacitus says had a devotion to servility but no real affection for their ruler. Otho’s brother was left in charge of the state while Otho campaigned.