48 pages 1-hour read

The Nurture Assumption: Why Children Turn Out the Way They Do

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1998

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Chapters 10-12Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 10 Summary: “Gender Rules”

While gender norms in contemporary America have changed in recent years, boys and girls still tend to develop gendered identities and play with fellow boys and girls. Again, children emulate peers’ gender expressions more so than those of their parents: “During the formative years of childhood, a girl becomes more similar to other girls and a boy becomes more similar to other boys. Rowdy girls become less rowdy; timid boys get bolder” (206). Harris argues boys and girls are born with innate differences, and this is why various cultures develop similar norms in recognition of these differences. Anthropologist Margaret Mead (first mentioned in Chapter 9) popularized the idea that babies could be socialized into gendered behavior. However, Harris believes most cultures share gender stereotypes of men as hunters and warriors and women as gatherers and nurturers. These stereotypes are not necessarily negative, but generalizations. Because of humans’ tendency to categorize, people regard groups of either men or women as more alike than they are.


From ages six to 12, children tend to form friendships with fellow boys and girls. In order to socialize, children self-categorize—sometimes with gender expression that does not align with their sex assignment at birth. This can be difficult for a child, who may experience ostracization from peers. Boys’ playgroups tend to be larger and more hierarchical, while girls’ playgroups are smaller and more cooperative. Harris argues “groupness,” or valuing and identifying with one’s group, is a more intense experience in boys than girls (217). Girls are more likely to prioritize personal friendships or romance over identification with a group. Harris argues that, in spite of their different social categories, children share a culture that creates gender norms. These categories are most salient in co-ed environments, such as schools. In hunter-gatherer cultures in which there are few playmates to choose from, girls and boys tend to play together, and grow up with fewer gendered differences; they tend to play more masculine games by boys’ rules.


In adolescence, girls and boys become more interested in spending time together. Harris notes many girls suffer with self-esteem in their teenage years, and are more likely to experience depression than boys. She attributes lower self-esteem to the difficulty of trying to socialize at this age, and claims girls and women are generally “weaker and less aggressive” than boys and men—making them vulnerable to physical abuse (224). However, she also acknowledges there will always be men and women who differ from gender stereotypes (224).

Chapter 11 Summary: “Schools of Children”

As children grow, they are better able to self-categorize as a variety of identities. Within a classroom, children tend to break into cliques unless something keeps them bonded as a class. Teachers have a great deal of influence over children because they can inform how they bond with peers and experience being part of a group. They do so in three ways: establishing norms, boundaries, and a group self-image. Harris argues the best teachers discourage cliques through a class anthem and the like. Furthermore, they can inform how children self-categorize: For example, a child in a group who struggles with reading may adopt the group’s dislike of school and consider himself unintelligent. This can partly explain why some children are high achievers while others struggle with academics. Harris refutes the idea that parenting decisions play a significant role in developing IQ, as studies on adopted children show they have similar IQs to their biological family members rather than their adopted family. However, being adopted by higher IQ parents does provide a short-term boost in IQ during childhood.


In A Question of Intelligence, Daniel Seligman reports white American children often have higher IQs than Black American children. Harris believes her group socialization theory explains this discrepancy: White and Black American children likely identify more with their racial groups, and thus create different norms to maintain group identity. To Harris, white American children may be more likely to value academic achievement, while Black American children may maintain group identity by rejecting “white” behavior. With this in mind, psychologist Claude Steele introduced the term “stereotype threat,” which describes how people’s self-categorization makes them vulnerable to underestimating themselves.


Schools with students from different language backgrounds tend to be divided along linguistic lines: If there are not enough children who share a trait, they will blend into another group and adopt their attitude. For example, Harris mentions a young Polish immigrant who was the only Polish-speaking child in his class, so he quickly became fluent in English to communicate with his peers. She wonders if homogenous groups are sometimes best for students, citing female excellence in math and science at all-girls schools and Black colleges producing famous Black mathematicians and scientists. Overall, she encourages teachers to unite their students by giving them a common goal to work towards.

Chapter 12 Summary: “Growing Up”

Reading psychologist Terrie Moffitt’s article on adolescence prompted Harris to reconsider the nurture assumption and form her group socialization theory. Moffitt argued teenage delinquency was a common phenomenon, and that teens did so to attain “mature status” (248). Harris disagrees, believing teens engage in crimes to distinguish themselves from adults and impress peers; in fact, children often imitate peers whom they look up to. Across cultures, children do not want to be left behind as their peers advance through childhood and education. This advancement may include rites of passage such as first menstruation. In many societies, once children reach their teen years, they are initiated into adulthood. However, contemporary American society regards teens as their own social group. Harris believes teens feel a mutual “hostility” with adults, who are less likely to nurture them as they would younger children (257). In cultures which consider teens adults, there is no formal “rebellious teen” phase. In America, teens distinguish themselves through rebellious acts, language, and fashion. Harris argues this societal model drives cultural change: While children are too dependent to change broader culture and adults tend to value the status quo, teens and young adults are often the ones who generate new ideas.


In school, some cliques include subgroups (athletes, mathletes, etc.) which are fluid in elementary school and rigid in high school. Harris considers how some teens are negatively influenced by their peers, causing tension between them and their parents. She states all teens are influenced by their peers, either positively or negatively, but adults pay more attention to the negative. However, unhealthy behavior such as smoking might become a badge of honor for certain teens: “It is a way to demonstrate your allegiance to a particular peer group within the high school, to show your disdain for other groups (the goody-goodies, the nerds), and to prove that you don’t give a damn about adult concerns and adult rules” (264). Sometimes, this behavior escalates into crimes, which can become the norm in certain cliques or subcultures. Harris argues putting teen delinquents in teen-exclusive reform groups keeps them entrenched in old groups which normalized criminal activity—explaining these programs’ high rate of failure.

Chapters 10-12 Analysis

In this section, Harris continues to explore how self-categorization and group socialization affect people’s identities and abilities, reinforcing The Importance of Peer Groups in Socialization. Students are categorized and categorize themselves by age, race, gender, language, and ability level. One study found that teacher’s grouping of students based on perceived ability affects their achievement: “[…] the good readers tend to get better and the not-so-good ones to get worse. […] The two groups develop different group norms—different behaviors, different attitudes” (227). Sociologist Janet Schofield researched student life at a mixed-race school in the 1970s, in which Black and white children chose to not socialize with each other. She found academic achievement was valued by white students more so than Black students, who discouraged peers from “acting white” (235). Similar dynamics can be found in racially homogenous schools: For example, Harris mentions a Long Island school with Black American students who tended to not value academic achievement, and newly immigrated Haitian students who did. This is a divergence along cultural lines, a maintenance of norms. Overall, Harris’s examples prove children’s differences can be emphasized and entrenched when peer groups diverge and try to make themselves more distinct from each other.


Self-categorization can lead people to estimate their abilities according to group stereotypes. This can have a negative impact if people feel most members of their group would not excel at a certain task:


It turns out that if you make a young woman who is good in math more aware of being female, she does less well on tests of mathematical ability, and if you make a young African American who is a good student more aware of being black she does less well on tests of academic ability (236).


By showing how group identity can change self-perception, Harris makes peer socialization more plausible. She especially reinforces American teenagers’ role in their peers’ lives: To her, teens rebel because of a desire to belong and impress. As a group considered separate from children and adults, teens are encouraged to develop subcultures to feel secure. In encouraging “groupness,” contemporary America has set the stage for teens to develop their own customs (language, fashion, etc.). Harris points to examples in which teen behavior differs from adult behavior, and connects this discrepancy to broader cultural change: “They are so anxious to contrast themselves with the generation ahead of them that the differences don’t even have to be improvements” (259). Harris acknowledges some “improvements” revolve around impressing peers by violating rules, adult or otherwise—like smoking. Speaking of change, her language surrounding race and gender in particular is somewhat dated, but she takes care to contextualize her observations and others’ studies whenever possible. When connecting femininity to weakness (Chapter 10) and white American students to high IQs (Chapter 11), she makes it clear that these findings do not reflect true aptitude; furthermore, there are always exceptions to perceived norms.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text

Unlock all 48 pages of this Study Guide

Get in-depth, chapter-by-chapter summaries and analysis from our literary experts.

  • Grasp challenging concepts with clear, comprehensive explanations
  • Revisit key plot points and ideas without rereading the book
  • Share impressive insights in classes and book clubs