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The Promise of American Life

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The Promise of American Life

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1909

Plot Summary

The Promise of American Life (1909) is a non-fiction book of political analysis by Herbert Croly, the founder of The New Republic magazine. Croly’s political beliefs are largely individualistic libertarian, which is reflected in his analysis of the financial and political situation in America at the time. Croly makes a case against broad unionization and government welfare, instead, promoting personal responsibility to care for the less fortunate members of society. Though The Promise of American Life sold fewer than 10,000 copies during Croly’s lifetime, it was very influential, influencing the policies of President Theodore Roosevelt.

Croly begins by arguing that America does not have a strong nationalistic tradition like other countries with longer histories do. He acknowledges that America provides a great deal of democratic promise for its citizens, but that promise will not fulfill itself. Individuals must actively strive for a better future in order to achieve it. However, unevenly distributed economic and political power can easily derail the promise of the nation.

Croly then describes some of the major political movements and philosophies in America up to that point. He first contrasts Founding Fathers Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson. Hamilton called for more federal oversight and regulation, while Jefferson pushed for extreme individualism and very limited government intervention. Croly says that he tends to agree with Hamilton more often, but thinks that the ideal system of government is a combination of the two. Next, Croly discusses Andrew Jackson’s ideas of frontier individualism, a philosophy that he considers dangerous because it is selfish and wholly focused on individual financial gain.



Croly introduces slavery and the Civil War. He says that this period in history led to the country being divided into five distinct political factions. It also produced Abraham Lincoln, whom Croly considers the quintessential American statesman. He specifically praises Lincoln’s ability to put the country’s interests ahead of his own and his courage in confronting the hypocrisy of owning slaves while claiming to be a democratic nation.

Following the Civil War, the United States experienced a period of economic prosperity that continued for several decades. This included the Industrial Revolution, which led to a host of problems that continue until the writing of the book. However, during this time, many opportunities opened for people from all walks of life, allowing them to flourish. According to Croly, the lack of strong federal government control during this time allowed special interest groups to flourish. These included lawyers, political bosses, and industrialists who supported the systems in place for their own gain. These problems were compounded by a weak central government that did not have the resources to stand up to special interests.

Croly mentions four reformers who attempted to enact widespread political change but, at the writing of the book, not been particularly successful. These four men are William Jennings Bryant, Williams Travers Jerome, William Randolph Hearst, and Theodore Roosevelt. Of the three, Croly has the most faith in Roosevelt, whom he considers a Hamiltonian at heart. He also praises Roosevelt for building a team of talented men to help him run the country. He thinks that in order to be effective, reformers must get used to putting the needs of the nation ahead of their own and working as a team. A desire for individual glory will only impede them.



In the next section of the book, Croly defines several terms important to American political thought. The first of these is democracy, which he says is often thought of as a system in which extreme equal rights are afforded to all. However, if everyone has the ability to do whatever they want, then some will naturally take advantage of others. Therefore, Croly thinks that it is the responsibility of the government to ensure that people are allowed to do what they need to in order to improve their lives, but not if it means abusing their power. He also defines nationalism as a willingness for citizens of a country to subordinate their own interests in favor of the interests of their nation.

In order for this kind of constructive nationalism to take hold, a national principal must emerge. In this way, special interests will become subordinate to the national government. Croly thinks that there should be an increase in centralized power in the United States government. In order to make this happen, he advises giving individuals more power to introduce legislation and to have a voice in the government. He also recommends measures to decrease corruption, the nationalization of certain industries, such as shipping and transport, and a new system of corporate taxation that ensures the largest number of people profit from corporate earnings.

In his conclusion, Croly argues that education is the key to his reforms. He believes education will allow people to better themselves, leading a strong national identity to emerge in the United States.
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