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The goal of Haidt’s book is to better understand morality and ethics. While he defines morality in his text, his definition is not prescriptive, but functional. Morality is determined by what he calls moral matrices: “interlocking sets of values, virtues, norms, practices, identities, institutions, technologies, and evolved psychological mechanisms that work together to suppress or regulate self-interest and make cooperative societies possible” (270). These moral matrices vary from one culture or subculture to the next, and individuals working from different moral matrices often have difficulty understanding one another’s choices.
As an example of a radical divergence between moral matrices, Haidt narrates his time in the small Indian city of Bhubaneswar. Though his hosts in Bhubaneswar treat him with great kindness and hospitality, Haidt finds himself troubled by many aspects of their society, including the conventions that servants should never be thanked and that women should never look men in the eye. Haidt theorizes that such conventions appear morally wrong to him because he comes from a “WEIRD” (Western, educated, industrialized, rich, democratic) society, in which personal autonomy and the avoidance of harming others are paramount values. Since the conventions of Bhubaneswar appear to discount the individual rights of some members, they clash with WEIRD values. However, as an unWEIRD society, Bhubaneswar values social cohesion above individual autonomy. Neither society is immoral, Haidt concludes—instead, each founds its morality on a different moral matrix.
While this may sound like moral relativism, Haidt emphasizes the difference between relativism and pluralism. Relativism, he explains, involves viewing all practices and beliefs as equal. It involves not taking a stand on whether an action or conviction is wrong or right. Haidt stresses that pluralism is something else entirely. Rather than simply seeing belief systems as equal or unable to be weighed, Haidt’s pluralistic model of seeing and assessing morality involves acknowledging different moral matrices. As with relativism, the goal is not judgment. However, pluralism works to understand what moral “taste buds,” or foundations, are most engaged in a culture or society, and to set in motion moral beliefs.
In Haidt’s own home country, the United States, political divisions can be understood according to this same framework. In an era of intensifying political polarization, American liberals and conservatives increasingly see themselves as engaged in a Manichean battle between good and evil. Haidt argues that in reality, neither group is more moral than the other. Instead, each operates from a different, culturally defined set of moral values—a moral matrix. For example, political liberals emphasize fairness and care for the vulnerable as the most important moral values, while political conservatives tend to value authority, loyalty, and sanctity. Political persuasion must begin not in defining the other side’s beliefs as wrong, but in seeking to understand how they arrive at their ideas of right and wrong. By understanding the values on which political opponents base their morality, Haidt suggests, we can craft arguments that will more effectively reach them.
Haidt uses the metaphor of an elephant and its rider to explain the relationship between the emotional/intuitive and rational aspects of the human mind. While the rider (the rational mind) is theoretically in charge and is held responsible for the elephant’s behavior, the truth is that the vastly larger and stronger elephant is the one who makes the decisions. In this analogy, the function of the rider is mostly to explain and rationalize the elephant’s actions after the fact. In other words, humans base most of their decisions on emotion and intuition, using reason only to justify beliefs they already hold and choices they are already committed to. Haidt calls this “confirmatory thought,” meaning that it operates not to assess decisions from a neutral perspective but to find confirmation for existing beliefs and preferences. This insight has implications for the art of persuasion:
[I]f you want to change someone’s mind about a moral or political issue, talk to the elephant first. If you ask people to believe something that violates their intuitions, they will devote their efforts to finding an escape hatch—a reason to doubt your argument or conclusion (51).
Because the emotional mind calls the shots, arguments rooted in reason tend to be unpersuasive. Instead, Haidt suggests that those who wish to persuade others effectively should first aim to understand the underlying values—the moral matrix—that guide that person’s judgments. Understanding another person’s moral matrix makes it possible to tailor arguments to appeal to that person’s emotional, intuitive mind—to “talk to the elephant,” as Haidt puts it.
In addition to advice on how to persuade others, Haidt also offers advice on how his readers can become more open-minded themselves. He suggests that readers should begin by acknowledging their own tendencies toward confirmatory thought, asking themselves why they feel that they must hold a certain belief. Rather than saying “I must believe this,” readers should say, “I can believe this,” giving themselves permission to change deeply held beliefs that no longer serve them.
Haidt notes that cultures operate in two different ways. Most of the world’s cultures are sociocentric, meaning that they prize order and relational stability. Because sociocentric societies focus on maintaining social cohesion, tradition and authority are important features of these cultures. Individualistic societies differ radically from sociocentric societies. Individualistic societies protect individual rights and regard individual happiness as a primary value. Individualistic societies are far more likely to see people as victims of societal pressures and rules. Such societies are often willing to revise social conventions in order to liberate individuals. Individualism is a defining feature of the societies Haidt calls WEIRD (Western, educated, industrialized, rich, democratic). Haidt’s own membership in a WEIRD society conditions him to react negatively to some aspects of the unWEIRD, highly sociocentric society he encounters in Bhubaneswar, India. In this society, personal autonomy is less important than social cohesion, and social conventions impinge on the individual rights of some members—including women and servants. To Haidt—whose personal values are rooted in individualism—such infringement on individual rights appears morally wrong. However, within the sociocentric framework of this society, the overall cohesion of the community is more important than the autonomy or happiness of any individual.
Haidt notes that even within individualistic societies, group cohesion is valued under certain circumstances. WEIRD societies include events and settings intended to evoke communal spirit—team sports and religious services are two key examples. Haidt describes a phenomenon he calls the “hive switch,” in which individuals temporarily cede their individual autonomy to become wholly integrated into a group. In the ancient world, this phenomenon occurred in bonfire ceremonies and other religious rituals, and Haidt cites the rave as a modern example—in both cases, the temporary loss of individuality is seen as a form of transcendence and a way to become part of something larger than oneself.
Most often, however, the desire for individual autonomy is at odds with the desire for group cohesion. Individuals often find themselves chafing against communal restrictions as they seek greater personal autonomy. To define oneself on one’s own terms—a key aspect of the coming-of-age process as conventionally understood in WEIRD contexts—is frequently to rebel against the expectations of one’s community. This process is emotionally fraught because it pits one set of moral values—those that prize group cohesion and belonging—against another—those that prize individual freedom and self-actualization.



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