The Serviceberry: Abundance and Reciprocity in the Natural World

Robin Wall Kimmerer

39 pages 1-hour read

Robin Wall Kimmerer

The Serviceberry: Abundance and Reciprocity in the Natural World

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2024

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Chapters 1-2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary

Kimmerer describes the process of picking the berries of a serviceberry—a type of fruit tree (also known as Amelanchier, shadbush, shadwood or shadblow, juneberry, saskatoon, sugarplum, wild plum, or chuckley pear) native to the northeastern United States.


Over many centuries, the serviceberry has provided local peoples with many benefits—its fruit can be used as medicine, it feeds deer and other animals (which can be hunted), it offers pollen to insects and homes to birds, and it can be used to make pemmican—a cake of pressed, dried meat and melted fat—which is used in food items such as energy bars. The serviceberry is also useful as a sign of the changing seasons.


The Potawatomi people, an Indigenous North American nation, use the word “bozakmin” for the serviceberry—a word that etymologically refers to both berries and gifts (6). Kimmerer cites this word as symbolically significant because serviceberries are a gift of the natural world. Like many of the other natural gifts, the serviceberry helps to sustain life. Through a series of exchanges—in which nutrients, minerals, energy, and functions are swapped—the serviceberry is assembled by the natural ecosystem of its environment. In many Indigenous cultures, these gifts are revered as part of a natural cycle that should be honored, furthering the cycle of “sharing, respect, reciprocity, and gratitude” (9).


Kimmerer suggests that such gifts should not be thought of as static things. Instead, they pass among people and the natural world, providing mutual benefit and help. Kimmerer points to water as an example of a cyclical natural gift. Water is cycled through the ecosystem, providing function and use at each stage of the cycle in many different forms. Kimmerer likens this cycle to an economy. The natural economy, she suggests, is “a gift economy” (14). In times of plenty, she notes, such an economy does not seek to commodify or horde resources, nor hold them as private property. Instead, the abundance is to be shared among everyone for the greater benefit of the community.


To Kimmerer, this penchant for gift giving is natural to humans. She refers to the American researcher and philanthropist Genevieve Vaughan, who developed the concept of the “maternal gift economy” (18). In this theory, the mother of a baby is an example of a series of exchanges. The mother gifts her milk to the baby as it grows. She does this not because she expects to be financially rewarded but because it benefits the baby and the mother. She shares for the common good of herself and her baby.

Chapter 2 Summary

Kimmerer delves into the differences between a commodity and a gift. Buying a commodity involves the exchange of money. The relationship between the person buying the commodity and selling the commodity is predicated on this exchange of money. This is not true of gifts. In the exchange of a gift, the relationship is ongoing. Gifting something encourages the receiver to “take better care” of the gift and offer a gift to another person, creating a network. The network of exchanging gifts is a community in which everyone is connected.


This distinction, Kimmerer suggests, means that gifts have more value than commodities and that they are treated differently as a result. Turning a gift into a commodity removes the sense of “mutual responsibility” (25). The receiver may not feel the same need to take care of the gift. This is harmful, Kimmerer believes, and she points to the example of a fresh spring to illustrate her point. This fresh spring produces clear water, which people treat as a gift. Because they view the spring water as a gift, they will take care of the spring. They will ensure that the spring is maintained properly so that it continues to produce clean, drinkable water. If this gift of water were to be turned into a commodity, however, people would feel less responsibility to care for it. The spring might get damaged or might even be ruined, as people will only seek to extract the maximum monetary value from the spring. They might make a dam or overfish the water, hoping to maximize profit.


According to Kimmerer, the modern economy of the United States often commodifies natural gifts in this exact manner. She seeks change, yet she feels “harnessed to this economy [and] yoked to invasive extraction” (26). She believes that society needs to solve this issue. 

Chapters 1-2 Analysis

Kimmerer opens the books with a discussion of the titular serviceberry—the central metaphor of her text—introducing The Natural World as Inspiration for Economic Reform. She describes the process of picking this fruit in rich detail, creating an immediate juxtaposition between the rich physicality of the berries (and the gift economy that they represent) and the cold, distant abstractness of contemporary market economies. By rooting the notion of the gift economy in such a tactile, nutritious symbolism, Kimmerer emphasizes her ideas as neither radical nor new. Instead, she argues, gift economies are much older than the capitalist systems currently dominating the Western world. Kimmerer expands upon this idea with a discussion of the etymology of the serviceberry. In both English and Indigenous dialect, this tree and its fruits are linked to the concepts of gifts and services. The tree is a part of a natural ecosystem of exchange that, Kimmerer asserts, can be adapted to a contemporary economic context with only a slight shift in perception. Kimmerer’s emphasis on the metaphor of the serviceberry underscores gift economies as a naturally occurring phenomenon in both the natural world and human communities, arguing that the concept is baked into human behavior and language.


Kimmerer reinforces the central metaphor of the serviceberry through a pervasive use of natural imagery throughout the book, framing her later discussion of The Tension Between Cutthroat Capitalism and Communal Reciprocity as a conflict between the natural and the unnatural. As a botanist, Kimmerer blends her scientific knowledge of the natural world with an unassuming, informal language that encourages the readers to recognize the ways in which traditional Indigenous ideas, botany, and critiques of capitalist systems can be found everywhere. For example, Kimmerer’s description of the capitalist commodification of a natural spring appeals to a fundamental human need for clean drinking water. The blending of natural imagery and economic criticism blurs the line between academia and holistic human experience, mirroring the dual nature of Kimmerer’s expertise.


Though explicit in her criticisms of capitalist economies, Kimmerer acknowledges her own need to survive within these systems. While she advocates for gift economies over capitalist market economies, she’s also a paid academic compelled to take part in a contemporary capitalist exchange of goods and services. She notes that even the book itself is written, printed, and sold as part of a capitalist process, rather than exchanged as part of a gift economy. Kimmerer acknowledges these conflicts, highlighting the ways she feels harnessed to the very economic system she criticizes. She favors a different economic model but also uses the vectors of that economic model—the publishing industry, for example—as a platform for her criticism. Similarly, she illustrates the way in which overt capitalist market economy advocates participate in informal gift economies, most notably the natural ecological cycle that Kimmerer frames as a key example of a gift economy. 

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