39 pages • 1-hour read
Robin Wall KimmererA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Kimmerer focuses on the perception of economics in the modern United States and compares it to the views of Indigenous American cultures. The “conventional meaning” of economics is the study of how people use and distribute scarce resources (29). From Kimmerer’s perspective, this perception is highly individualistic. This view of economics as the obtaining and distributing of scarce recourse invokes a specifically modern American view of the world in which the survival of the individual and the accumulation of individual wealth is deemed more important than the common good.
In contrast, Kimmerer describes how Indigenous cultures view economics—placing a priority on community and equality rather than the wealth of the individual. To truly prosper in such a society, everyone must prosper. Kimmerer recounts a story from linguist Daniel Everett, who asked a member of a hunter-gatherer community in the Brazilian rainforest why he shared meat with his neighbor, rather than storing it for later use. The man said that he stored his meat “in the belly of [his] brother” (32). This, Kimmerer suggests, illustrates an alternative way of viewing the world based on mutual prosperity.
Rather than exchanging money or bartering, for example, Indigenous cultures maintain a network of relationships in which every member contributes and cares for one another in whatever way they can. Any abundance is then distributed to all, with the expectation that everyone will treat other abundances in the same way. Rather than relying on money as a currency, the currency of these societies is actually the gratitude and connection created by the gift economy. Kimmerer cites examples from Indigenous communities in America, whose gift economies were deliberately “banned by colonial governments” in the 1800s (36). These deliberate attempts to curb gift economies resonate into the modern era, as even recent attempts to turn important cultural lands into “an earthly gift held in common” have been reversed by the Trump administration (37).
Kimmerer reflects on the human tendency to share gifts. Her neighbor Sandy, for example, grows vegetables and shares her “gladness” by giving away her extra produce, contributing to “a system of redistribution of wealth based on abundance and the pleasure of sharing” (41-42). Gifts are given, Kimmerer notes, and abundance is shared in many different cultures. In particular, she points to the ways in which gift economies often emerge after disasters or in times of crisis “when human survival is threatened” (43). In such times, the compassionate pooling of resources becomes the de facto form of economy. Under the modern United States’ system of extreme individualization, however, this does not occur. In such a system, Kimmerer believes that individuals must learn how to trust their neighbors. People must learn to depend on one another in peaceful periods, as well as after crises. In this way, gift economies can develop and flourish. Kimmerer takes a hopeful view of the way in which social media, the Internet, and college campuses are encouraging the development of “grassroots” gift economies (48). She notes that they operate on a smaller scale but still offer hope for broader cultural applications in the future.
As the book progresses, Kimmerer evokes historical patterns to explicitly critique the systems of power that have established the current economic consensus in the Western world, underscoring her larger exploration of The Tension Between Cutthroat Capitalism and Communal Reciprocity. For Kimmerer, this critique begins with the colonial era. Rather than dwell on the brutality of colonizers against Indigenous communities in the past, she frames colonialism as directly responsible for the way a capitalist economic model replaced Indigenous alternatives (gift economies). Her argument illustrates that while gift economies are perceived as novel and radical now, they’ve actually been utilized for millennia in the Americas. The colonial erasure of past alternatives overtly benefits modern extractive capitalism—a system that exploits its own workers, their communities, and the natural resources of the planet for profit. The erasure of gift economies establishes modern capitalism in the minds of the public as the only true model, while older rivals to this system are deliberately cast aside or crushed. Kimmerer links colonialism and capitalism as part of the same corrosive system of economic alienation. Undoing the effects of colonialism necessarily involves offering alternatives to capitalism such as gift economies based on Indigenous precedents.
In her advocacy for gift economies, Kimmerer evokes the language of modern philosophy and political science to voice her criticisms of capitalism. In Chapter 3, she frames the gift economies of the Indigenous people of the Pacific Northwest (which were banned by colonial governments) as the “ritualized redistribution of wealth” (36). Kimmerer uses the language of wealth redistribution, which fits into a more socialist mode of thought, and modern anti-capitalist movements to advocate for Indigenous economic models, underscoring her emphasis on The Natural World as Inspiration for Economic Reform. From the Indigenous gift economies that were banned by the colonialists and early capitalists, to the language of socialist wealth redistribution that arrived centuries later, Kimmerer positions her own arguments within a legacy of communal advocacy and capitalist critique. By drawing these comparisons, Kimmerer normalizes capitalist critique in a society governed by its principles.
While capitalism is the dominant social model in the Western world, Kimmerer demonstrates the prevalence of alternative economic models through a range of examples that evidence her thematic interest in Optimism as a Tool for Building a Better World. Gift economies are everywhere, she suggests, for those with eyes to see them. From open-source software to social media explainer videos, Kimmerer attempts to cast new light on the familiar by highlighting these smaller-scale gift economies as present in many people’s everyday lives even if most don’t typically view them in the context of alternatives to capitalism. Kimmerer uses the commonality of such informal gift economies to build trust in economic alternatives. Whether linking her theories to the past, modernizing the language of her critiques, or pointing out the prevalence of economic alternatives in the modern world, Kimmerer encourages her readers to understand extractive capitalism as only one economic model, not the best or only option.



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