30 pages 1-hour read

The Soul of Man Under Socialism

Nonfiction | Essay / Speech | Adult | Published in 1891

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Literary Devices

Satire

Oscar Wilde is well-known for his use of satire—humor that critiques some aspect of society. Although the argument Wilde makes in this essay is itself serious, he often uses satire to draw attention to capitalist society’s failings and to undermine potential counterarguments. For example, in his discussion of the “duties” property entails, Wilde remarks that “they said [property has duties] so often and so tediously that, at last, the Church has begun to say it” (8). Wilde levels his most direct critique here at the Church—the implication being that something must be “tedious” to appeal to it.


Satire is particularly vital to Wilde’s account of The Danger of Authority, in which he often mocks various authorities to critique their influence, especially over the arts. At one point, he writes that journalists “always apologise to one in private for what they have written against one in public” (52). This is an exaggeration, but it undercuts the press’s status by accusing it of hypocrisy. Ultimately, Wilde paints those he criticizes as not merely wrong but laughable, which affords him a rhetorical advantage. In his telling, his opponents are not worthy adversaries but simply people whose ignorance, cowardice, or self-delusion prevents them from seeing the inevitable force of his own arguments—or, as he says, to see that “[t]o ask whether Individualism is practical is like asking whether Evolution is practical” (79).


Besides shoring up socialism as the destination toward which human history naturally trends, Wilde’s use of satire lends readability and levity to his arguments. This is particularly important given that many of Wilde’s readers were predisposed against socialism. By framing his ideas humorously, Wilde asks readers to engage with them but also provides an escape hatch by allowing them to view the essay as an extended joke. 

Allusion

An allusion is a reference to a well-known work, person, or event. As a poet, novelist, and playwright in dialogue with his peers, Wilde uses allusions liberally. Early in the essay, he lists several people he considers to be “great men” (Darwin, Keats, Renan, and Flaubert), and only a few paragraphs later he lists several writers he considers to have attained something like fully realized personalities (Byron, Shelley, Browning, Hugo, and Baudelaire). Wilde’s praise for these figures, whom he assumes readers will recognize, tallies with his point about The Cultivation of Individualism. Of the writers Wilde lists, four—Hugo in France, and Keats, Byron, and Shelley in England—belong to the Romantic school, which stressed the primacy of the inner self. Wilde’s allusions to artists also demonstrate his knowledge of the subject, establishing himself as an educated authority to foster trust.


As the inclusion of Darwin’s name demonstrates, Wilde’s allusions are not limited to the world of art; Wilde references a range of topics from religion, history, and science. Some allusions are casual, if he were only half-recalling them: “[S]omebody—was it Burke?—called journalism the fourth estate” (57). The reference is to Edmund Burke, a conservative political philosopher, but the substance of the allusion is less important than its tonal effect; the parenthetical creates a friendly rapport with the reader. Wilde’s historical allusions often buttress his claims about the movement of human society toward socialist individualism across time: Referencing Socrates, he writes, “‘know thyself’ was written over the portal of the antique world. Over the portal of the new world, ‘Be thyself’ shall be written” (23). Many of Wilde’s allusions are to the Bible, which was not only the religious but cultural touchpoint of 19th-century England. Such allusions place Wilde’s radical ideas in a familiar context to make them more palatable to readers.

Hyperbole

Satire often uses hyperbole—pronounced and obvious exaggeration—to make its points. Wilde uses both. About the lower classes, for example, he writes that “there is no grace of manner, or charm of speech, or civilisation, or culture, or refinement in pleasures, or joy of life” (7). This is an exaggeration; Wilde does not mean that literally every person living in poverty lacks these traits, but the generalization communicates the extent to which Wilde sees material want as degrading. Besides adding emphasis, hyperbole can also be humorous—e.g., Wilde’s remark that “democracy means simply the bludgeoning of the people by the people for the people” (32). Though Wilde does view all forms of government as oppressive, he overstates that oppression with the graphically physical verb “bludgeoning.” This creates a comical disjunction with both democracy’s positive reputation and the otherwise stately language (“of the people by the people for the people”—a phrase borrowed from Lincoln’s “Gettysburg Address”).

Paradox

underlying truth. Wilde’s entire premise is one of inversions of this sort (charity is cruel, socialism is individualism, etc.). The essay challenges readers to think about ideas divorced from preconceptions, as Wilde ultimately seeks to make the familiar—capitalist society—absurd. For Wilde, it is no more paradoxical to claim that charity is harmful than it is to use private property to try to remedy a problem created by private property.


Numerous sentence-level paradoxes support Wilde’s goal of turning so-called common wisdom on its head. He writes, for instance, that “the virtues of the poor may be readily admitted, and are much to be regretted” (9). The idea that a virtue could be regrettable seems nonsensical but is in line with Wilde’s claims about the inherent degradations of poverty. The only lower-class people who come anywhere close to the kind of individualism Wilde admires are those who recognize that they cannot access it; they are therefore angry and resentful instead of patient and humble. Wilde later writes, “All the results of the mistakes of governments are quite admirable” (78). Once again, the seeming contradiction speaks to Wilde’s broader point. Because the function of government—to control human behavior—is immoral, government’s missteps tend to be good.

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