This Is How They Tell Me the World Ends: The Cyberweapons Arms Race

Nicole Perlroth

61 pages 2-hour read

Nicole Perlroth

This Is How They Tell Me the World Ends: The Cyberweapons Arms Race

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2021

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Part 5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 5: “The Resistance”

Part 5, Chapter 14 Summary: “Aurora”

In 2009, Google analysts realized that the company had been hacked by a Chinese state-sponsored hacking group codenamed Legion Yankee. The hackers were accessing Google’s source code, its most valuable intellectual property, and collecting user data. Left unchecked, this infiltration (“Aurora”) would allow the Chinese government to access any commercial product or software operated by Google, leaving users (including activists and dissidents) fully exposed to government surveillance. Google analysts led by Director of Information Security Heather Adkins jumped into frantic action, securing the software and ousting the probes in a protracted digital battle. Adkins discovered that numerous other major corporations had been similarly infiltrated by the same attack. In addition to informing the other targets of Aurora, Google made the unprecedented decision to go public with the news that they had been hacked by the Chinese government. Previously, victims of Chinese hacks—which were already endemic—had hidden the breaches like a dirty secret. Google’s openness had major political ramifications when the Whitehouse issued a statement condemning the hacks—even as the Chinese government denied involvement.


In response to Aurora, Google pulled out of the Chinese market entirely. The company had entered the market three years previously, uneasily complying with censorship laws in the name of compromise. In the aftermath of the Aurora hack, Google directed all Chinese traffic to its uncensored Hong Kongese search engine, causing the government to immediately ban Google completely, as anticipated. Google employees believed it inevitable that the Chinese internet would eventually become freer, but when Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, he instead cracked down on free speech and tightened online censorship laws. Soon afterwards, as Google’s founders stepped back from the day-to-day running of the company, Google began to compromise on its “Do no evil” policy by supporting ethically dubious services and reentering the Chinese market under the rebranded Alphabet banner in 2016.

Part 5, Chapter 15 Summary: “Bounty Hunters”

After the Aurora hacks, major American tech companies took a serious interest in their security. Google expanded its security teams with idealistic recruits, and from 2010 onwards, started paying increasingly high bounties to hackers who were willing to report zero-day exploits to the company directly. Google also sponsored hacking competitions. Although brokers like the bold and unscrupulous “Wolf of Vuln Street” mocked Google’s efforts, many hackers preferred Google’s comparatively lower bounties over the higher sales through the usual zero-day market. This was because hackers were frequently exploited by brokers and buyers, and Americans were being increasingly priced out by hackers based in eastern Europe and Asia.


Two young Dutch hackers named Michael Prins and Jobert Abma made a name for themselves by hacking large companies and offering to fix the vulnerabilities for a price. They started in the Netherlands, then moved to the USA. When they contacted Facebook with this modus operandi in 2012, they were immediately hired for the job, and Facebook began its own bug bounty program. In 2014, Microsoft’s Head of Hacker Outreach, Katie Moussouris, finally managed to persuade the company to start a bounty program of its own. Also in 2014, Prins and Abma approached Silicon Valley investors and proposed establishing a trusted platform allowing hackers to report bugs on different systems to the developers of those systems. The platform, called HackerOne, was an immediate, overwhelming success. Many major corporations signed up, including the Pentagon. Although the government’s 2016 outreach program, Hack the Pentagon, was initially met with skepticism and outright hostility from hackers, its legitimacy was eventually proven. The Department of Homeland Security finally began increasing the budget of the bounty program to match its growing success, though it remained a mere fraction of the budget designated to offensive cybersecurity development.

Part 5, Chapter 16 Summary: “Going Dark”

The Snowden leaks instigated an info-war between government agencies and tech companies. Employees were furious to discover that the NSA was harvesting user information as it passed unencrypted between Google servers, since the company had hitherto thought it necessary only to encrypt data passing through the open internet. Security consultant Eric Grosse led the charge in patching cracks in Google’s security, spearheading a research group called Project Zero, which aimed to eliminate the zero-day exploits in the third-party software that Google services relied upon. Project Zero researched zero-day exploits, informed companies of the vulnerabilities, and then published their findings after a grace period of three months. This last action was taken partly to force developers to hurry and patch the vulnerabilities and partly to facilitate long-term improvements in system security.


Tim Cook, a lead developer at Apple, was committed to privacy and vowed in a meeting with the president that Apple would encrypt everything on their devices to better secure the data. In 2014, the new iPhone 6 did exactly that. The FBI, lacking the hacking acumen of the NSA and CIA, was enraged by these new encryption protocols. The FBI claimed that this “going dark” would cause a loss of the intelligence needed to combat threats from terrorist organizations such as ISIS. In 2015, a terrorist attack prompted the FBI to take Apple to court to demand that the company assist in circumventing encryption on the deceased terrorists’ phones. Apple refused, with the support of public opinion, but the FBI only abandoned the protracted legal battle when they were able to announce that they had found a hacker capable of breaking into the new iPhone without Apple’s cooperation. Despite Perlroth’s determined attempts to track down this hacker at conferences, his identity remains a mystery.

Part 5 Analysis

By titling this section of the text “Resistance,” Perlroth makes a direct reference to the efforts undertaken by American tech companies to combat government espionage in the wake of the Snowden Leaks and Aurora attacks. The part is preceded by a quote from Jarett Kobek’s novel I Hate the Internet (2016), which proposes that the system of capitalism cannot be stopped completely, it can still be disrupted. The quote aptly captures the defiance with which private companies and individuals stand against the might of the government and the pressures of the lucrative zero-day market to protect their fellow citizens. The quote proposes that fighting a losing battle against an unbeatable opponent is worth the effort required to hamper that opponent’s goals, even temporarily. By reframing the quote within the context of cyberwarfare, Perlroth delivers the sobering message that the point of the resistance is not to win, but to stand up for what is right. 


This is a particularly apt sentiment for people who work to combat cyberattacks because it is practically impossible to secure any complex program completely; time and again, Perlroth has shown that hackers will always find a new software vulnerability to exploit. However, her message, while ostensibly bleak, is ultimately one of hope. Instead of despairing at the impossible task before them, information security analysts instead focus on making the job of infiltrators more difficult, thereby decreasing the number of successful intrusions and mitigating the associated damage. This summation precisely describes the actions of the Google, Microsoft, and Facebook employees whom Perlroth features.


As Perlroth continues to examine The Role of Hacking in Modern International Relations and Conflicts, her illustrative examples show that government hacking campaigns can profoundly influence foreign corporations—and by extension, public perception and foreign policy. For instance, the Aurora hacks soured relationships between America and China, just as the NSA’s hacking of allies soured the relationship between the United States and Germany. In a continuation of this pattern, she then adds further thoughts on The Impact of Digital Espionage on Privacy and Civil Liberties, highlighting the gross violations of privacy that motivate the staunchest opposition to digital espionage. As her discussions show, Google’s analysts are fighting to protect Chinese users from the persecution that comes from government surveillance, while Apple stands against the FBI in order to defend its users’ right to privacy, regardless of the circumstances. 


However, the most prominent theme addressed in Part 5 is The Responsibility to Safeguard Digital Infrastructure, as all of Perlroth’s anecdotes and examples are situated within a framework that depicts corporations and individuals willingly assuming responsibility by taking steps to secure vulnerable code. When hackable programs such as those developed by Microsoft and Google are used in critical systems and digital infrastructure, any zero-day exploits that undermine the security of the software are a threat to everyone who depends on those vital services.

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