49 pages 1-hour read

This Is Your Brain on Music: The Science of a Human Obsession

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2006

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Chapters 4-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 4 Summary: “Anticipation: What We Expect From Liszt (and Ludacris)”

“Schema,” or frameworks formed on the basis of past experience, guide one’s expectations for a piece of music. The brain creates these schema by extracting features from past examples of similarly categorized experiences and stimuli, identifying essential components, and combining them into sets of expectations for future experiences. Skilled composers are like magicians, deliberately establishing and then violating expectations to evoke emotions in their audience. To do this, they use practically all characteristics of music, including timbre, rhythm, chord progression, meter, and even genre. The composer Haydn was particularly fond of deceptive cadence, a well-used illusion in Western music wherein a piece’s chord progression diverges unexpectedly from its established sequence to signal that the piece is not yet finished. Many modern classical composers base their pieces on new and unfamiliar scales, removing expectation and resolution from their music entirely and thereby leaving both the performers and audience ungrounded. Melody is one of the main channels by which composers control and diverge from audience expectations. In the principle of “gap fill,” for example, if a melody makes a large leap in pitch, the audience expects the next note to change direction toward the jump-off point. Postponing the resolution toward the starting or “home” note builds suspense as the audience awaits the melody’s resolution.


Precisely mapping functions of the brain to different regions is difficult, although scientists glean some information from observing the cognitive functions that damage to different areas affects. The brain does not contain an isomorphic representation of the world; instead, it stores sensory information in neural codes, similar to how computers store auditory and visual information in binary format. The primary cells of the brain and the nervous system are neurons. When they fire, they send electrical impulses across the synapses between them, causing the release of chemicals. These neurotransmitters bind to receptors on other neurons, causing them to either fire or not fire. One such neurotransmitter, dopamine, links to feelings of pleasure, and Levitin and his colleagues recently proved its role in processing music.


Cognitive scientists can track the firing of neurons using an electroencephalogram (EEG), although the technological limitations of this method significantly hinder the precision of its data. On a macro level, some brain functions are lateralized between the brain’s hemispheres, and reality is significantly more nuanced than the common beliefs about specialization in the left or right side of the brain indicate. Levitin and his colleagues have used functional magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) to observe the activation of different regions of the brain by tracking blood flow in order to investigate the differentiation hypothesis. This hypothesis proposes that in infants, the same neurological systems initially process both music and language. As an infant matures, differentiation occurs so that the brain processes music and language independently (at least to some extent). They discovered significant overlap between the regions of the brain that process music and those that process language, but they also found that certain areas activate only when processing music. This neurobiological evidence supports the differentiation hypothesis and also suggests that some regions of the brain are dedicated to processing and predicting structure over time, regardless of the mode of sensory input.

Chapter 5 Summary: “You Know My Name, Look Up the Number: How We Categorize Music”

Eleanor Rosch’s groundbreaking work on categorization contributed to the study of memory, a major area of study for cognitive scientists. The brain interprets sensory information to construct an impression of the external world and, in doing so, must overcome three major issues. The first two are perceptual and involve distinguishing between two objects that look the same (e.g., two identical apples) and recognizing apparently different things as a single object (e.g., one apple viewed from different angles). The third involves higher-level cognitive processes. Comprehending the world begins with specific and individual cases that the brain must treat as members of the same category, so it must treat different objects as part of a single type group. Rosch pioneered “prototype theory,” asserting that no set definition can define and encompass any one category; instead, family resemblance determines membership in a category, and certain stimuli hold the privilege of being “prototypes,” archetypal members around which the rest of the category forms.


Whether memory is “record keeping” or “constructivist” has long been a subject of debate. The record-keeping theory asserts that the brain stores whole memories, whereas the constructivist view asserts that the brain only stores the gist of a memory, extracting an abstract generalization for later reference. Evidence exists for both theories, including experiments that show subjects successfully remembering specific details about visual stimuli and the fact that people can recognize voices based solely on their unique timbre, which support the record-keeping theory. Many studies show the malleability of memory, supporting the constructivist theory by implying that the left orbitofrontal cortex of the brain extrapolates from stored information to fill in the gaps and produce a complete memory.


Levitin’s own experiments and research into memory support the “exemplar theory,” which is a composite of the record-keeping and constructivist theories. The exemplar theory builds on Rosch’s work on categorization and assertions by the Gestalt psychologists that all experiences leave traces in the brain. According to the exemplar theory, long-term memory preserves high-fidelity records of experiences, but they are subject to degradation. The theory proposes that memories are retrieved by the firing of specific neurons, called “multiple-trace memory models,” which can be triggered by specific stimuli or strengthened through repeated recall. Levitin has shown that the brain encodes absolute features of a piece of music into memories of it, including pitch, tempo, and features related to timbre. Most people are highly skilled at recognizing specific songs from just a couple of beats and can repeat songs at near the exact correct tempo and pitch. The brain encodes memories of music hierarchically and can transform them during recall (for example, by parsing through memorized lyrics to find a particular word). Exemplar theory accounts for these characteristics of memory as well as other experimental data and allows for the reorganization of categories, the displacement of prototypes, and the rapid creation of categories and theories observed in real-world cognition.

Chapters 4-5 Analysis

In these two chapters, Levitin provides a more in-depth account of some key aspects of the neuropsychology of music processing. Expectation and categorization are key elements in the brain’s creation of musical schema, which thematically form the basis of The Neurological Underpinnings of Musical Enjoyment. Computer simulations based on neural network models have helped scientists investigate human memory and perception of music, but even MINERVA (named for the Roman goddess of knowledge), one of the most powerful models, cannot yet replicate the human ability to distinguish momentary features of a performance from invariable aspects of a tune. By mentioning this inadequacy of technology to match natural human aptitude, Levitin reinforces the thematic idea that The Components of Musical Ability come naturally to humans. In addition, he emphasizes the connection between music and emotion, noting how, when he attends a wedding or watches a movie about two people reuniting, “[i]t is when the music begins that [he] start[s] to cry,” and “the music […] pushes [him] and [his] emotions over the sentimental edge” (111). The author engages with pathos and emotive language to describe this experience but adds a note of irony by pointing out that the music is what moves him to tears. This observation is relatable and underscores the deep emotive impact of music.


Levitin illustrates his analysis of ad hoc categorization in brain function by engaging readers in a brief thought experiment: He gives a list of disparate items and asks what they all have in common, using the imperative mood. After using hypophora by immediately answering the posed question (that they are all items people might take with them if their home were on fire), he notes, “Such collections of things form ad hoc categories, and we are adept at making these. We form them not from perceptual experience with things-in-the-world, but from conceptual exercises” (161). His use of an example unrelated to music emphasizes that such categorization is fundamental to how the brain processes and retrieves information.


In addition, the author details various experiments and their results, providing insight into the basis for the theories he discusses and also describing the scientific method. Experimentation is an important aspect of cognitive science because it is the primary method of gathering data to disprove or support hypotheses. Even in the few experiments that Levitin describes, he showcases the wide range of test subjects and tasks involved, highlighting the diverse methods used to investigate cognition. In addition, Levitin shows how different experiments can produce results supporting diametrically opposed theories, such as the record-keeping and prototype theories, and how results can support multiple hypotheses at the same time, highlighting the importance and subjectivity of interpretation.

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