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Anna Deavere SmithA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The voice of this section is Harland W. Braun, Counsel for defendant Theodore Briseno. Braun, who confesses reluctance to taking the case because he did regard the King beating as a “racial beating” (239) and had personal reasons for acknowledging the reality of racial profiling and race-based antagonism by police officers, raises serious questions about whether “an entire historic event”—this or any other—has been “misperceived” and who, if any, can “know” the “truth”. Without calling it a “twilight” state, Braun confesses the need to live within “the ambiguity” of circumstance (241). What, after all, is “justice”? “‘What is truth?’” (243).Recalling Pontius Pilate’s dilemma—in which he must weigh Christ’s innocence (and the upholding of principle) against “the fact that there would be public disorder if this man wasn’t condemned” (in effect, a “riot”)—Braun asks a crucial question: “Is it the truth of Koon and Powell being guilty or is it the truth of the society that has to find them guilty in order to protect itself?” (243).
The title of this section refers to a threat made by an LAPD officer to Braun’s son, when his son and a black friend were pulled over in an upscale neighborhood and his son chose to challenge the officer (240).
The voice in this section belongs to Mrs. Young-Soon Han, a former liquor store owner. Young-Soon Han was one of the many Korean-American storeowners who was targeted and put out of business during the riots. It has devastated her former sense that “America is the best” and led to the realization “that Korean immigrants were left out from this society and we were nothing,” deprived even of the basic entitlements that the poorest African-Americans could rely upon (“[a]nd we are high taxpayers”) (245, 246). Young-Soon is left asking the same question that so many blacks had throughout the crisis (and this play): “Where do I finda [sic] justice?” Is there justice for the other victims of the riots? To destroy “innocent people,” “innocent Korean merchants,” is it “really justice to get their rights in this way”? (246-47).
For all that, Young-Soon wants “to be part of their [enjoyment],” of their exaltation. At some level she “understand[s]” and sympathizes: “They have fought for their rights over two centuries and I have a lot of sympathy and understanding for them” (248). She even wishes she “could live together with […] Blacks, but after the riots there were too much differences” (249). It is just possible that “Because of their effort and sacrificing, other minorities, like Hispanic or Asians, maybe we have to suffer more by [the] mainstream” (248).
Young-Soon raises the daunting question of whether minorities, within the U.S. system, are forever condemned to get their sense of “justice” only on the backs of other minorities and other marginalized groups. Or whether, instead, something productive can be made of a mutual understanding of struggle, adversity, and common goals. She struggles to adopt the attitude of Reginald Denny, a view of forgiveness, racial harmony, and collective struggle, and the reality of frayed relations and injustice is ultimately too bitter to swallow, much less digest.
The title of this section refers to the “bitterness” Young-Soon must swallow in seeing blacks at last “get their rights” and their “justice” only by “destroying innocent Korean merchants,” thus trading one minority’s pain for another’s (247).
The voice of this section is Gladis Sibrian, Director, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, USA. Sibrian reflects on the feeling of personal helplessness that things can be changed in modern LA—a feeling, surprisingly, worse than that felt by those in El Salvador fighting against a sixty-year military dictatorship. They, at least, were “idealistic,” “romantic,” hopeful, and, above all, organized(250-51).
Sibrian greets with sadness the fact that the LA riots were a mere “social explosion,” something purely “anarchical,” versus “an uprising,” which is “organized, planned,” with a long-term vision, such as the revolution she has actively participated in with regard to El Salvador (251): “Every day in this Los Angeles so many people die and they didn’t even know why they die. There is no sense of future, sense of hope that things can be changed” (252). It is not only a matter of deep structural problems, but, more dauntingly, the disbelief in the efficacy of individuals to effect change.
The title of this section refers to Sibrian’s “nom de guerre” during the fight against long-standing military dictatorship in her native El Salvador (251).
The voice in this section is Twilight Bey, Organizer of gang truce. Bey gives the title to the entire piece.As his name indicates, he is a man of the “twilight,” and, like Bhabha’s twilight, it is a hopeful vision, one of “twice” “light”: “I have twice the knowledge of those my age, twice the understanding […]” (254). Twilight can see a little ahead of his time (the gang truce in 1988, which became reality in 1992). He can also see the need for a common humanity: “in order for me to be a […] true human being, I can’t forever dwell in darkness, I can’t forever dwell in the idea, of just identifying with people like me and understanding me and mine” (255). So, Twilight steps out of the shadow—of his race and his nighttime hours, his safe “limbo” state—and “I’m up twenty-four hours, it feels like,” not wanting to miss a moment (255).
The title of this section refers both to the narrator himself, Twilight Bey, and to the state not only between day and night but between allegiance to one’s race and allegiance to the human race itself (254-55).
Here, at last, is the reckoning. Once more the responders offer a balanced perspective across the lines of race, class, gender, and experience. It features two individuals directly involved with the signal events, the Rodney King beating and the ensuing riots, who nonetheless occupy wildly different vantage points: the reluctant white male defense attorney, who helped prompt the King verdict and its aftermath, and the Korean-American woman whose business and faith in the American systemare equally destroyed by the riot. We have as well the views of two activists: a Hispanic female political activist, enlisted in the struggle against military dictatorship in her native El Salvador, and an African-American gang member, struggling to uphold a gang truce in the face of a veritable war zone in the heart of his own Los Angeles. The composite is a mélange of white, black, brown, and yellow: the predominant racial divisions of modern Los Angeles, all seeking justice in their way. But whose? Will justice prevail? And will it, can it, prevail for them all, all at once? That is the unasked but essential question.
Unlike in the preceding act, the four interviewees here are notably less optimistic and more subdued; there is far less balance between hope and skepticism as they question the meaning and even the very possibility of justice. The desire, as Mrs. Young-Soon Han expresses it, remains, but hope is a slender reed. In Gladis Sibrian’s resignation that “There is no sense of future, sense of hope that things can be changed” (252), we hear only an echo of the words Paula Weinstein can utters in hushed tones: “Everybody’s scared in L.A.” (212). And yet Smith refuses to leave us on the shoals of despair. For this reason, we conclude with Twilight Bey. As a gang member, as a black man living within Los Angeles’ more desperate quarters, he is well positioned to be despairing. But he is not. He feels, for once and at last, wide awake—not only to reality, but to possibility. It is not a simple or a vengeful “justice” he seeks but something more humane. Through his words, Smith reasserts the “twilight” possibility andasks us all to consider how we, too, “make ourselves part of the act.”



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