Unbought and Unbossed

Shirley Chisholm

62 pages 2-hour read

Shirley Chisholm

Unbought and Unbossed

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1970

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Getting There”

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “Teaching, Marriage, and the Political Arena”

After leaving the Bedford-Stuyvesant Political League in 1958, Shirley Chisholm temporarily stepped away from politics to focus on her educational career and personal life. She advanced professionally, becoming director of the Friend in Need Nursery School in 1953, then moving to the Hamilton-Madison Child Care Center in Manhattan in 1954, where she supervised 24 staff members caring for 130 children aged three to seven.


During her college years, Chisholm became engaged to a Jamaican man she met at a jewelry factory job. The relationship faced strong opposition from her mother, who disapproved of his casual dress and demeanor. When Chisholm discovered her fiancé was already married with a family in Jamaica and involved in immigration fraud, the engagement ended abruptly. His subsequent arrest and deportation by immigration authorities devastated her emotionally and physically, leading to severe depression and weight loss that required recovery time at a New Jersey farm.


During this period of healing, Chisholm had already met Conrad Chisholm, a quiet Jamaican investigator whom she initially tried to discourage through hostile behavior. His persistent patience and understanding eventually won her over, and they married in 1949. Conrad worked as a private investigator specializing in insurance fraud cases. He later transitioned to working for the city, investigating Medicaid eligibility at Chisholm’s urging due to safety concerns.


In 1959, Chisholm accepted her most significant educational position as a consultant to the city’s daycare division, overseeing ten centers with substantial staff and budget responsibilities. However, politics drew her back in 1960 when she helped establish the Unity Democratic Club, designed to challenge the white political machine controlling Brooklyn’s 17th Assembly District.


The Unity Club’s initial 1960 campaign supporting Thomas R. Jones for assemblyman against incumbent Samuel Berman failed narrowly, with Jones capturing 42% of the vote. Undeterred, the organization strengthened its base through political education seminars and membership drives. In 1962, running a more aggressive campaign that explicitly challenged “boss-ruled plantation politics,” Jones defeated Berman decisively, establishing the Unity Democratic Club as the official Democratic organization for the district (57). This victory represented a historic breakthrough, increasing Black representation on the county committee from zero to four members out of twenty-two total positions.


When Jones decided to pursue a civil court judgeship in 1964, Chisholm seized the opportunity to run for his Assembly seat. Despite resistance from both the county organization and some members of her own club who questioned whether a woman should hold office, Chisholm insisted she deserved the nomination after years of political work helping elect others. She faced significant gender-based hostility during her campaign, with voters telling her she belonged at home rather than in politics. Chisholm responded calmly to such criticism, emphasizing her years of community service and qualifications. She won the three-way general election decisively with over 18,000 votes, becoming one of eight Black legislators elected statewide that year following court-ordered redistricting that eliminated gerrymandered districts designed to dilute Black voting power.

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “In the State Assembly”

Shirley Chisholm’s early experience in the New York State Assembly demonstrates how political power structures attempt to control individual legislators and punish those who refuse to conform. When Democrats regained control of the assembly in 1965, they immediately became embroiled in a destructive two-month leadership battle between Anthony Travia and Stanley Steingut, both from Brooklyn. This deadlock paralyzed the legislature and exemplified what Chisholm sees as the Democratic Party’s tendency toward self-destruction.


As a freshman assemblywoman, Chisholm was expected to automatically support Steingut, her predecessor’s ally. However, she chose to back Travia based on his merit as minority leader rather than political loyalty. When Brooklyn political leaders discovered her intention, they warned her about committing “political suicide” by defying the delegation (66). Chisholm’s decision reflected her fundamental principle of voting according to her conscience rather than political expedience. Her vote ultimately proved symbolic when Republicans broke the deadlock by supporting Travia, but it established her reputation as an unpredictable maverick.


Chisholm explains that political rules exist to help those in power maintain control over their supporters. Leaders punish independent-minded legislators by assigning them to ineffective committees, excluding them from important decisions, and blocking their legislation. Despite these potential consequences, Chisholm argues that her maverick status did not diminish her effectiveness. She successfully passed eight of fifty bills she introduced, including legislation creating the SEEK program to help disadvantaged students attend college and extending unemployment insurance to domestic workers. She also eliminated discriminatory tenure policies affecting pregnant teachers.


The chapter reveals Chisholm’s growing disillusionment with the political process. She observed legislators who wanted to vote their conscience but were forced to change positions after receiving calls from party bosses. Some representatives even wept when prevented from doing what they believed was right. Chisholm concludes that the political system leaves little room for independent, creative personalities and that those who operate on conscience rather than political advantage must accept the consequences. She says her experience in Albany prepared her for the even more complex power dynamics she would encounter in Washington.

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: “Running for Congress”

This chapter chronicles Chisholm’s groundbreaking 1968 congressional campaign, which transformed her from a state assemblywoman into the first African American woman elected to Congress. The narrative centers on her strategic navigation of political machinery, personal health crises, and demographic challenges to achieve this historic victory.


The chapter opens with Chisholm explaining how redistricting created new opportunities for Black political representation in Brooklyn. Previously, gerrymandered districts had deliberately divided African American voters across multiple constituencies, effectively silencing their political voice. When the Supreme Court mandated equal-sized, compact districts, a new congressional seat emerged with a substantial Black and Puerto Rican population, setting the stage for Chisholm’s campaign.


Despite initial promises from the Democratic Party machine to remain neutral, organizational leaders quickly rallied behind William C. Thompson, a former state senator they viewed as more controllable than the independently-minded Chisholm. A citizens’ committee unexpectedly endorsed her precisely because she refused to submit to party control, appreciating her willingness to challenge authority rather than seek approval.


The campaign required extraordinary personal sacrifice. Chisholm adopted grassroots tactics due to limited financial resources, spending months walking through neighborhoods, attending house parties, and connecting directly with constituents. She emphasizes the authenticity required for street-level campaigning, where insincerity becomes immediately apparent to voters.


A major crisis emerged when Chisholm discovered a massive tumor requiring immediate surgery during the campaign’s crucial final months. Despite her doctor’s advice to rest, she insisted on resuming campaigning shortly after the operation, wrapping towels around her waist to hide her dramatic weight loss and continuing her street appearances through sheer determination.


Her Republican opponent, James Farmer, represented a formidable challenge as a well-funded national civil rights figure. However, Chisholm’s campaign manager recognized that Farmer’s male-dominated approach overlooked a crucial demographic advantage: women outnumbered men in the district by 2.5 to 1. This insight transformed what opponents intended as a weakness into Chisholm’s greatest strength.


The chapter concludes with Chisholm’s decisive victory, winning by a 2.5-to-1 margin despite facing well-financed opposition. Her triumph demonstrated that authentic grassroots organizing could overcome institutional resistance, establishing her as a political force who remained, as in her campaign slogan, “Unbought and Unbossed” (80).

Part 2, Chapter 8 Summary: “Breaking the Rules”

When Chisholm arrived at the 91st Congress, she immediately violated protocol by entering the House floor wearing her coat and hat, demonstrating her outsider status from the beginning. The chaotic atmosphere of Congress shocked her, as members moved about freely during proceedings while Speaker John McCormack presided over what seemed like meaningless one-minute speeches that were later printed in the Congressional Record as if they had been genuinely delivered to an attentive audience.


Chisholm’s colleagues greeted her cordially but with obvious reservations, frequently asking what her husband thought about her political career and expressing surprise that she differed from their expectations of a confrontational, anti-establishment figure. After a necessary three-week recovery period in Jamaica following her exhausting campaign, she returned to Washington to assemble a staff composed primarily of young women, both Black and white, believing that Capitol Hill’s intelligent female workforce deserved better opportunities than the typical subordinate roles they were assigned.


The central conflict of the chapter revolves around Chisholm’s committee assignment to Agriculture, which she viewed as completely irrelevant to her urban Brooklyn constituency’s needs in education, housing, and employment. Despite her twenty years in education and her clear preferences for committees dealing with urban issues, the Democratic leadership assigned her to Agriculture and, more absurdly, to the Rural Development and Forestry subcommittee. When she approached Speaker McCormack to request a change, he advised her to be a “good soldier” and wait for future rewards, but Chisholm rejected this approach, declaring that she would “do her own thing” regardless of consequences (96).


Chisholm’s rebellion culminated in a dramatic confrontation at the Democratic caucus, where she repeatedly attempted to address the committee assignment but was ignored. Finally, she walked to the well of the chamber and delivered a prepared speech arguing that the leadership had a moral obligation to place the nine Black House members in positions where they could effectively address the nation’s critical problems. Her motion to be reassigned passed, though colleagues warned her of political suicide.


Chisholm ultimately received an assignment to the Veterans Affairs Committee, which she considered more relevant to her district’s needs. She concludes by outlining her philosophy of congressional service: Rather than focusing on legislation, she believes her role involves helping constituents with practical problems and pressuring federal agencies to enforce existing civil rights laws. She argues that America possesses the necessary laws and resources for justice but lacks the moral commitment to implement them effectively.

Part 2 Analysis

Part Two of Unbought and Unbossed chronicles Chisholm’s political ascension from state assembly to Congress during the tumultuous 1960s, a period marked by civil rights struggles and significant political realignment. Chisholm’s narrative demonstrates how personal integrity and professional competence intersected with systemic discrimination to shape her unique political trajectory. The text reveals the complex dynamics of machine politics in Brooklyn, where racial and gender hierarchies determined access to power and influence. Through detailed accounts of campaigns, legislative battles, and institutional challenges, Chisholm constructs a framework for understanding how marginalized individuals can navigate entrenched political systems while maintaining their core principles.


The theme of Pragmatically Changing Systems From Within emerges prominently throughout Chisholm’s transition from state to federal politics. Her strategic approach to committee assignments in the New York Assembly and later in Congress demonstrates a calculated balance between accommodation and resistance to established hierarchies. When assigned to the Agriculture Committee in Congress, Chisholm recognized both the absurdity of the placement and the potential leverage it could provide: forestry subcommittees held little relevance to urban constituencies, but agricultural policy affected food stamp programs crucial to her district. Her decision to challenge this assignment through formal parliamentary procedure rather than quiet acceptance exemplifies her method of working within institutional frameworks while refusing to accept their limitations. This approach required extensive knowledge of procedural rules and careful timing, as demonstrated when she stood in the well of the House chamber to force recognition from leadership who had repeatedly ignored her attempts to speak.


Central to Chisholm’s political philosophy is the theme of Choosing Justice Over Political Convenience, which manifests repeatedly in her legislative career. During the speaker contest between Anthony Travia and Stanley Steingut in the New York Assembly, Chisholm faced pressure from Brooklyn’s Democratic delegation to support Steingut based on geographical loyalty rather than merit. Her decision to support Travia stemmed from her assessment that “unless he had not done the job of minority leader satisfactorily, or there was some derogatory evidence against him, we should not cast him aside” (67). This principle-based decision-making often placed her at odds with party leadership and fellow legislators who prioritized political advantage over ethical considerations. The consequences of such choices included exclusion from informal power networks and potential retaliation through committee assignments, yet Chisholm consistently maintained that temporary political costs were acceptable when weighed against long-term integrity.


Chisholm’s experience navigating intersecting forms of racial and gender-based prejudice emphasizes her skill at Maintaining Integrity and Independence Despite Discrimination. Her congressional campaign against James Farmer illustrated how opponents weaponized both her race and gender, attempting to portray her as either insufficiently militant for black voters or inappropriately aggressive for traditional gender expectations. Rather than allowing these attacks to constrain her campaign strategy, Chisholm transformed perceived weaknesses into organizational strengths by mobilizing women voters who constituted 2.5 times the male electorate in her district. Her response to discrimination required constant adaptation and strategic thinking, as when male legislators questioned whether her husband approved of her political involvement, forcing her to articulate how her marriage accommodated rather than constrained her public service. The persistence of such challenges across different political levels demonstrates how institutional discrimination operated through both formal barriers and informal social pressures.


Chisholm’s rhetorical strategy throughout these chapters relies heavily on concrete narrative details that illuminate broader systemic problems without resorting to abstract theoretical frameworks. Her account of the Unity Democratic Club’s formation includes specific vote counts, budget figures, and organizational structures that ground political analysis in observable facts rather than ideological positions. This approach extends to her descriptions of campaign finance, where she details drawing $4,000 from personal savings to fund her assembly campaign, contrasting her resource constraints with the institutional advantages enjoyed by machine-backed candidates. The specificity of such details serves to authenticate her experiences while demonstrating how individual circumstances reflected broader patterns of exclusion and resistance within political institutions.


Chisholm’s institutional analysis consistently emphasizes how formal rules and informal practices combined to maintain existing power distributions while appearing to offer equal opportunities for advancement. Her critique of the seniority system in Congress extends beyond personal grievance to a systematic examination of how procedural mechanisms prevented responsive representation for urban constituencies. The allocation of committee assignments based solely on length of service rather than relevant expertise or constituency needs exemplified how ostensibly neutral criteria could produce discriminatory outcomes. Her parliamentary challenge to this system required both procedural knowledge and political courage, as demonstrated when she forced recognition by standing in the well of the House chamber after repeated attempts to gain the floor through conventional means had failed.

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