Unbought and Unbossed

Unbought and Unbossed by Shirley Chisholm is a political memoir originally published in 1970. Written by America’s first African American congresswoman, the book draws from Chisholm’s extensive expertise as both a pioneering politician and an educator who held a master’s degree in early childhood education from Columbia University. The work was published at the height of the Civil Rights Movement and second-wave feminism, situating it within the broader context of 1960s and 1970s social activism. The book belongs to the genres of political memoir and autobiography, blending personal narrative with social criticism and political analysis.

Chisholm’s memoir gained renewed recognition in 2015 when she was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Barack Obama, the highest civilian honor in the United States. The book also inspired a Peabody Award-winning documentary titled Chisholm ‘72: Unbought and Unbossed (2004) that chronicled her historic presidential campaign as the first Black woman to run for president of the United States. Chisholm’s book serves as both a personal account of her rise from Brooklyn schoolteacher to congressional trailblazer and a broader examination of systemic discrimination in American politics. Written immediately after her election to Congress and during her preparation for her 1972 presidential campaign, the memoir captures a transformative moment in American political history when traditional power structures were being challenged by previously marginalized voices.

This study guide references the 2022 eBook edition published by Amistad.

Content Warning: The source material and guide feature depictions of racism and gender discrimination.

Summary

Chisholm’s formative years were shaped by her bicultural experience between Depression-era Brooklyn and colonial Barbados. Born in 1924 to West Indian immigrants, she spent seven years of her childhood living with her grandmother on a Barbadian farm, where she received a strict British-style education that emphasized discipline and academic rigor. This early foundation provided her with strong communication skills and intellectual confidence that would serve her throughout her political career. Upon returning to Brooklyn in 1934, she encountered increasing racial tensions as Southern African Americans migrated to Bedford-Stuyvesant, transforming the neighborhood’s demographics and experiencing systemic discrimination.

Chisholm’s father, Charles St. Hill, played a pivotal role in shaping her political consciousness through his admiration for Marcus Garvey’s Black nationalist philosophy and his involvement in union organizing. At Brooklyn College, Chisholm experienced her first exposure to organized political activism and racial consciousness through the Harriet Tubman Society, while also witnessing firsthand how racism permeated academic institutions. A conversation with Professor Louis Warsoff, who suggested she pursue politics, highlighted the double barriers she would face as both Black and female—an intersection that would define her entire career.

Chisholm’s entry into politics began through New York’s traditional clubhouse system, where she quickly learned how political machines operated to exclude Black representation. Her involvement with the 17th Assembly District Democratic Club revealed systematic exploitation of both women and Black community members, leading to her eventual removal from the club’s board for asking uncomfortable questions about inadequate city services.

Following a bitter 1958 confrontation with her mentor, Wesley McD. Holder, over the leadership of the Bedford-Stuyvesant Political League, Chisholm temporarily withdrew from politics to focus on her advancing career in early childhood education. She married Conrad Chisholm in 1949 after recovering from a devastating relationship with a Jamaican man who had deceived her about his marital status. Her professional advancement included directing several childcare centers and eventually becoming a consultant to the city’s daycare division, overseeing substantial staff and budget responsibilities.

Chisholm’s return to active politics came in 1960 with the establishment of the Unity Democratic Club, designed to challenge the “white machine’s” control of Brooklyn’s 17th Assembly District. After the club’s successful 1962 campaign to elect Thomas R. Jones, Chisholm seized the opportunity to run for his Assembly seat in 1964 when he pursued a judgeship. Despite facing significant gender-based hostility and resistance from both the county organization and some members of her own club, she won decisively, becoming one of eight Black legislators elected statewide following court-ordered redistricting.

Her experience in the New York State Assembly from 1965-1968 established her reputation as an independent maverick who voted according to conscience rather than political expedience. When she supported Anthony Travia over Stanley Steingut for Assembly leadership despite Brooklyn delegation pressure, political leaders warned her of committing “political suicide.” However, she successfully passed eight of 50 bills, including legislation creating the SEEK program for disadvantaged college students and extending unemployment insurance to domestic workers.

Court-mandated redistricting created new opportunities for Black representation, establishing a congressional district with substantial Black and Puerto Rican populations. Despite Democratic Party machine support for William C. Thompson, Chisholm launched a grassroots campaign that emphasized direct constituent contact and authentic community engagement. Her decisive victory by a 2.5-to-1 margin proved that grassroots organizing could overcome institutional resistance.

In Congress, Chisholm immediately violated protocol and established herself as an outsider willing to challenge the system. Her assignment to the Agriculture Committee, which she viewed as completely irrelevant to her urban Brooklyn constituency, led to a dramatic confrontation at the Democratic caucus where she demanded reassignment. Her successful rebellion against committee assignments established her philosophy of congressional service: Rather than focusing solely on legislation, she believed her role involved helping constituents with practical problems and pressuring federal agencies to enforce existing civil rights laws.

Chisholm’s opposition to military spending while domestic programs faced cuts became a defining aspect of her congressional tenure. Her first major House speech in March 1969 argued that spending billions on weapons while denying resources to disadvantaged children was morally wrong. She announced her intention to vote against all Defense Department funding bills until national priorities were reordered, though the speech received little immediate Congressional response.

The memoir reveals Chisholm’s evolving positions on several controversial issues. Her involvement with the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws reflected her belief that prohibition made abortions dangerous rather than preventing them. Despite recognizing the political risks, she accepted honorary presidency with NARAL, the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws, based on statistical evidence showing that unwanted pregnancies disproportionately affected the poor and that illegal procedures were the leading cause of death among pregnant minority women.

Chisholm’s analysis of women’s liberation draws explicit parallels between gender and racial discrimination, using Labor Department statistics to demonstrate severe wage gaps that placed women at economic disadvantages even compared to Black men. She argued that women must become “revolutionaries” to challenge restrictions while embracing positive aspects of femininity such as compassion and gentleness (196). Political participation emerged as crucial for women’s advancement, with Chisholm positioning herself as proof that women could succeed in politics when they possessed ability, stamina, and knowledge.

Throughout the memoir, Chisholm presents a comprehensive critique of American political institutions that fail to serve ordinary citizens effectively. She describes how new representatives quickly discover their limited power as junior members, and she criticizes congressional practices that demonstrate disconnection from constituents, including the seniority system that places aging, conservative members from rural districts in positions of power. Her analysis of the failed War on Poverty reveals how programs designed by white middle-class intellectuals ignored underlying racism while inadvertently politicizing minority communities.

Chisholm criticizes the Nixon administration for systematically dismantling civil rights progress through racist Supreme Court nominations, weakening the Voting Rights Act, and sabotaging school desegregation efforts. She interprets Nixon’s “southern strategy” as a calculated manipulation of racist sentiments that encouraged America’s most extreme elements (191).

Chisholm concludes by placing her greatest hope in America’s younger generation, whom she views as the country’s potential salvation despite being dismissed by older Americans. She draws connections between contemporary youth movements and America’s founding principles, arguing that young people seek the same individual liberty and equality that the founders envisioned but which have been systematically denied to women and people of color. Her experiences speaking on college campuses convinced her that young people possess the seriousness and commitment necessary to force America to fulfill its stated ideals.

The memoir ultimately presents Chisholm not as a traditional political leader but as a catalyst who strips away societal masks and mobilizes others toward action. Her philosophy of remaining “unbought and unbossed” represents a fundamental challenge to political systems that demand conformity in exchange for advancement, advocating instead for principled independence that prioritizes moral conviction over political expedience.