Upheaval: Turning Points for Nations in Crisis

Suharto was an Indonesian military general. When a poorly planned coup attempt failed to secure the headquarters of the Indonesian Strategic Reserve, Suharto ensured that the armed forces foiled the attempt on October 1st, 1965. While claiming to be acting for the protection of then-President Sukarno, Suharto took control of the Indonesian military and proceeded to initiate a mass killing spree against communists in his country. Like Pinochet in Chile, Suharto directed the mass murder of his political opponents and created a military state. Diamond comments that “what happened in Indonesia in 1965 and 1966 still ranks as one of the world’s biggest episodes of mass murder since World War Two” (200).

Although Suharto aligned Indonesia with the West, attracted foreign investment, and grew the economy, the country was “ranked among the most corrupt” (203) in the world by the end of Suharto’s reign. Suharto stayed in power for over 30 years and allowed for no political opposition or disputes. Finally, in 1998, Suharto left office peacefully and Indonesia subsequently held democratic elections. Given the lingering threat of military intervention, he was not prosecuted for his crimes in office. 

While Diamond condemns Suharto’s atrocities, he uses his framework to highlight the selective changes introduced in his regime. Suharto cultivated a sense of national identity among Indonesians, which later helped the country to establish a democracy. Diamond also credits Suharto with a realistic appraisal of his political strengths, aligning Indonesia with the West, and improving the economy.

Willy Brandt became West Germany’s first left-wing chancellor in 1969. Introducing many selective changes, Brandt ensured the legislation and implementation of policies pushed by the student movement of the 1960s. He moved West Germany from authoritarian tendencies to a more democratic and socially progressive model. More importantly, Brandt issued a heartfelt apology at the former Warsaw ghetto for Nazi Germany’s crimes against humanity. He accepted Germany’s territorial losses. These actions helped Brandt to form relationships with Eastern European countries and the Soviet Union. No longer considering West Germany a threat, East Europe and the Soviet Union traded with West Germany, even though West Germany remained a western ally and a democracy. 

Diamond cites Brandt as an influential leader in a democracy. He helped West Germans take responsibility for their actions in World War II and move forward. He also introduced selective changes, keeping the country allied with the West but establishing friendly relations with the east. These actions set the stage for Germany to re-unify years later.

A leftist or democratic socialist, Allende was elected President of Chile in 1970 with just 36% of the vote due to the constitutional system in place at that time. At that time, per Diamond, the political parties in Chile were uncompromising and the electorate was deeply polarized. Despite his lack of a mandate, Allende proceeded to govern as though he had one. He nationalized businesses, converted large estates into peasant cooperatives, and otherwise pursued policies that were anathema to the right. The US, which was opposed to Allende’s government, withdrew financial support from Chile and covertly funded the right-wing opposition to Allende as part of its wider Cold War containment strategy. Due to that loss of support and Allende’s policies, the economy was negatively impacted. There was high inflation, a scarcity of goods, and violence in the streets.

In September 1973, Allende was overthrown in a military coup and killed, with the US supporting Pinochet’s new military regime. Pinochet assumed power and governed the country as a brutal dictator for 17 years. Diamond criticizes Allende for not engaging in an honest self-appraisal and for pursuing policies that lacked sufficient popular support. That led to a worsening crisis, of which the military junta took advantage.

Indonesia’s founding President, Sukarno had been a nationalist leader under Dutch colonial government and issued the country’s Proclamation of Independence in 1945. Sukarno formulated five principles, called Pancasila, “which to this day serves as an umbrella ideology to unify Indonesia” (189). Blaming Indonesia’s problems on colonialism and capitalism, Sukarno established a state-centered economy. He and the army benefited from this arrangement economically. Confronting political gridlock in 1957, Sukarno proclaimed martial law and established the principle of “guided democracy” (190). In effect, guided democracy meant that he controlled the legislature. In 1963, he declared himself president-for-life (191)

Sukarno engaged the country in territorial wars, aligning himself with anti-colonial movements. Indonesian troops suffered heavy casualties as a result. In the early 1960s, there were three political forces in Indonesia: Sukarno; the armed forces; and the Indonesian Communist Party. While well-organized as a political party, the Communists lacked military power. In the military, there was a division between supporters of the Communist party and anti-Communists. With Sukarno’s blessing, the Communist Party began “arming peasants and workers” (194) to enhance its military power. This alarmed the anti-Communist generals, who set up a council to deal with the threat. This was the backdrop to the failed September movement and Suharto’s subsequent rise to power. 

Per Diamond, Sukarno did not engage in a realistic appraisal of his power and erred in starting foreign wars and allowing the peasants to be armed. He failed to navigate the crisis.