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From an early age, hooks was taught in church to identify with the poor, learning that they were “closer to the heart of the divine because their lives embodied the wisdom of living simply” (39). Scriptures from the Book of Matthew emphasized that those who cared for the needy would be chosen to dwell among the godly, while those who ignored suffering would be cast out. This spiritual framework shaped her early understanding of class, instilling in her the belief that solidarity with the poor was not just an ethical duty but a sacred one. However, these religious teachings coexisted with an unspoken reality: while the poor were valorized in faith, poverty in everyday life carried stigma and shame.
Growing up in a working-class household, she did not initially recognize her own family’s financial struggle. Sharing resources—whether food, clothing, or assistance—was an unspoken norm in her community, especially among women, who found discreet ways to support one another. Yet despite this communal ethic, no one openly discussed capitalism, unemployment, or the systemic forces that perpetuated poverty. The threat of communism was acknowledged, but the mechanisms of capitalism remained unexamined.
As she entered college, hooks encountered class differences more starkly. She had once imagined higher education as a space of intellectual camaraderie but soon realized that class hierarchies shaped every aspect of academic life. Wealthy peers ridiculed her unfamiliarity with certain foods and customs, reinforcing her awareness of class as a barrier to belonging. This sense of alienation deepened when she observed that even leftist students who championed economic justice saw the poor as subjects to be led rather than as equals to stand in solidarity with.
hooks grapples with the contradictions between religious teachings that valorized the poo and societal norms that vilified them. While faith called for humility and resource-sharing, capitalist culture encouraged accumulation and excess, eroding the communal values she had grown up with. By the 1980s, she notes, the idea of communal living had been overshadowed by consumerism, and new age spiritual movements began to equate wealth with divine favor, shifting responsibility for poverty onto the poor themselves.
She argues that true solidarity requires a rejection of class hierarchies and an embrace of simpler living—”To see the poor as ourselves we must want for the poor what we want for ourselves” (48). Yet, she acknowledges, in a culture where money determines value, the idea of sharing wealth is often ridiculed. Despite this, she insists that the only path to a more just society is one in which the privileged actively work to dismantle the structures that keep the poor oppressed. Without such action, class divisions will only deepen, reinforcing a world where economic suffering is ignored and wealth remains concentrated in the hands of the few.
hooks opens with the assertion that anyone who has grown up without financial security understands the ache of wanting what money can buy but not having the means to obtain it. This experience is not exclusive to the poor; it also shapes those who live in households where money is plentiful but tightly controlled, particularly in patriarchal families where men withhold resources as a tool of dominance. hooks’s childhood was steeped in this kind of financial tension. Her father, embodying traditional patriarchal values, dictated household spending, keeping his actual earnings a secret from her mother. He determined how much money she was given, and if the amount fell short, her mother had to plead for more. While their father viewed providing only basic necessities as sufficient, her mother understood the importance of small pleasures. This unspoken battle over money created a constant strain in their household.
Despite these constraints, hooks’s mother was resourceful, stretching limited funds to cover family needs. She never voiced resentment over their father’s lack of generosity, nor did she openly acknowledge financial struggles. Instead, she framed their situation as one of relative abundance, as hooks notes: “From her perspective we were doing well, better than most working folks with large families to feed” (53). However, hooks’s mother’s silence mirrored the financial manipulation she endured, as she, too, exerted control over the money her children earned from odd jobs, using it to supplement household expenses.
As hooks grew older, she developed a complex relationship with money, On one hand, she adopted an ascetic mindset, finding it easier to detach from material desires rather than dwell on what she could not afford. As a child, she fantasized about joining a religious order, drawn to the simplicity of a life without material excess. Yet when she entered college, she found herself overwhelmed by class distinctions—particularly in clothing. At times, she considered stealing, a temptation heightened by her white roommate’s shoplifting. While store clerks monitored hooks for theft, her roommate easily pocketed expensive items without suspicion.
Her experience in higher education reinforced her awareness of class hierarchy. At elite universities, wealthier students flaunted their privilege, while those from working-class backgrounds struggled to keep up. Unlike her affluent peers, she had no family money to fall back on—”Debt was all I could imagine inheriting from my family’ (57). Over time, she learned to be financially savvy through thrifting, budgeting, and striving for self-sufficiency.
hooks’s relationship with money became more complex in adulthood. She and her partner, both from working-class backgrounds, initially rejected materialism, viewing themselves as “bohemians” rather than working-class. However, financial stress crept in, and she found herself accumulating debt, struggling to reconcile her desire for financial independence with the reality of economic dependence in a relationship. When they separated, hooks’s income dropped drastically, forcing her to confront the financial vulnerability that often accompanies long-term partnerships.
hooks also confronted class privilege while teaching at Yale, where she became aware of how wealth was hidden—conversations about money were considered impolite, masking the ways privilege was passed down through inheritance and financial knowledge. Unlike her privileged colleagues, she had never been taught about savings, investments, or financial planning, and had to learn those skill on her own.
With her rising income, hooks found herself becoming more possessive of material objects, recounting how buying an expensive used car made her protective of her belongings. When a friend borrowed the car and returned it needing repairs, she felt resentment she had never experienced before. This moment illuminated a dangerous shift: acquiring wealth often leads to greater attachment, fostering a fear of loss rather than a willingness to share.
Greed, hooks argues, is not confined to the wealthy but can manifest in anyone. Recognizing this vulnerability, she emphasizes the importance of resisting over-identification with material objects. True economic justice, she insists, requires financial awareness and a commitment to resource-sharing—values that challenge the culture of greed that dominates American society.
hooks argues that greed is a near-universal human experience, first encountered in childhood through desires for food and possessions. Though many are taught that excessive desire is harmful, modern consumer culture has erased these lessons, normalizing the pursuit of material excess—”greed becomes the order of the day” (64). Once rooted in communal values, American society has shifted toward individualism, with wealth disparities growing while concern for economic justice declines.
Former radicals, once committed to simple living, have largely assimilated into capitalist structures, prioritizing personal financial gain. With their insider knowledge of marginalized communities, they become key players in marketing luxury consumption to the poor. The media reinforces the illusion of a classless society, using token success stories to suggest that anyone can “make it” while erasing systemic barriers.
Nowhere is this exploitation more visible than in the drug trade, where predatory capitalism thrives. Drug economies offer temporary wealth and status, turning once-stable communities into war zones. Addicts, stripped of their ability to function, devastate their own neighborhoods, while the government fails to intervene. As hooks notes: ”If they were not [sanctioned], law enforcement would rid our streets of drugs” (68). Meanwhile, media narratives shift focus from class warfare to crime, ensuring that the root cause of poverty remain unchallenged.
hooks warns that greed fuels inequality across all social classes, convincing even the poor to think like the rich. By making greed seem natural, capitalism discourages resistance. To fight economic injustice, she argues, we must reject the ideology of excess and restore collective responsibility.
hooks examines how the rich protect their class interests while obscuring discussions of wealth. Openly speaking about money is taboo, yet wealth is displayed through material possessions. Wealthy individuals often fear being exploited by those seeking financial assistance, reinforcing their detachment from the poor.
Growing up, hooks was surrounded by working-class people who longed for financial security but did not aspire to wealth. Religious teachings framed riches as dangerous, warning that wealth led to greed and exploitation. Television, however, reshaped these attitudes. By glorifying consumerism and depicting the rich as generous, relatable, and hardworking, mass media helped erase class awareness. Meanwhile, poor and working-class people disappeared from television, except as criminals in cop dramas, further cementing negative stereotypes.
hooks argues that tabloid journalism and celebrity culture further encourage identification with the wealthy. Events such as Princess Diana’s death become national obsessions, allowing the public to indulge in fantasies of fame and fortune while ignoring class realities. The illusion of a class-free society, promoted by media and politics, discourages collective action against inequality—as hooks’s notes: “Mass media has been the pedagogical tool used to teach the poor and working class to think like the rich” (77).
Despite these social undercurrents, the rich remain deeply aware of class distinctions, working to maintain their economic dominance. Many, even those with progressive values, focus on preserving their wealth rather than redistributing it. hooks argues that true economic justice requires recognizing that material abundance should be shared, not hoarded, for a more equitable society.
hooks continues her examination of class by shifting from personal experience to systemic critique, highlighting the intersections of economic inequality, greed, and cultural conditioning. Across Chapters 3-6, she explores how capitalism remains an unchallenged force, how class dynamics shape identity, and how media and consumer culture reinforce economic hierarchies. Her analysis undergirds each of the text’s three primary themes—the complexity of class, the impacts of class mobility, and critiquing capitalist structures.
hooks continues her Systemic Critique of Capitalist Structures, emphasizing that capitalism thrives on ignorance, ensuring that those it exploits do not recognize or challenge their oppression. She argues that silence about capitalism prevents individuals from understanding its exploitative mechanisms. While growing up, discussions of communism were commonplace, but capitalism was rarely examined. She notes that ”no one talked about capitalism […] the fact that it demanded that there be surplus labor creating conditions for widespread unemployment” (39-40). Her observation speaks to the ways economic structures operate invisibly, sustaining class divisions while discouraging open critique.
hooks asserts that, within the home, class power is further entrenched through financial control, particularly in patriarchal households, highlighting The Complexity of Class Beyond Economic Status. Men often dictated financial decisions, restricting access to resources and reinforcing dependence. hooks writes of the way her father hoarded his paycheck for personal rather than family use and how the women in her childhood community found ways to quietly share resources. Through these examples, she positions class as not merely about income but also about who controls resources within families and communities. hooks notes that in response to this financial oppression, women developed alternative networks of support, demonstrating how class struggle is shaped by gender and power.
Where We Stand consistently uses religion as a guiding motif to reinforce the Personal and Societal Impacts of Class Mobility. In Chapter 3, she contrasts religious teachings about humility and generosity with the self-interested values promoted by capitalism, noting that religious doctrine encourages resource-sharing, yet these beliefs often fail to translate into real-world solidarity with the poor. She observes that many middle-class individuals, despite their professed moral values, actively resist identifying with lower-class struggles, writing, “My fellow students had no desire to understand anything about the lives of working-class people […] they were, above all, not interested in solidarity with the poor” (42). This tension demonstrates the ways even those who have experienced class struggle may reject identification with the poor once they gain upward mobility. The irony that some radical students, who advocate for economic justice, see themselves as leaders rather than equals underscores the failure of purely theoretical approaches to class activism, particularly on moral or religious grounds.
hooks delves into greed as both an individual mindset and a systemic force, emphasizing its role in reinforcing class hierarchies. She argues that greed is not exclusive to the wealthy but is ingrained across class lines—”Being overwhelmed by greed is a state of mind and being that most human beings have experienced at some time in our lives” (64). This perspective further unpacks the complexity of class beyond economic status, as class is not only about material conditions but also about psychological conditioning and values.
hooks argues that greed actively fuels contempt for the poor. Rather than fostering solidarity, many middle-class and wealthy individuals develop an intense disdain for lower-income people. As hooks writes: ”Many greedy upper- and middle-class citizens share with their wealthy counterparts a hatred and disdain for the poor that is so intense it borders on pathological hysteria” (45). This manufactured division ensures that class structures remain intact by making the poor seem undeserving of aid or social mobility. hooks highlights that for some, wealth is not just about accumulation but about having more than others: “For many people, the thrill of having more is intensified by the presence of those who have less,” illustrating the ways capitalism thrives on competition rather than collective well-being (47).
hooks positions mass media as a key force shaping perceptions of class, particularly in erasing class struggle and glorifying wealth. hooks states, “Mass media attempts to brainwash working-class and poor people so that they, too, internalize these assumptions” (46). By consistently portraying wealth as aspirational and attainable, media encourages individuals to identify with the ruling class rather than recognize their own economic oppression—a phenomenon particularly evident in the status symbols associated with wealth, such as homes, cars, and expensive clothing. hooks uses her own experience as an example, noting that after purchasing a luxury car, she became less generous with it. This moment highlights how material wealth can change behavior, reinforcing capitalist values of ownership and exclusivity even in those ideological opposed to them, demonstrating how class ascension can lead individuals to adopt the very attitudes they once resisted.



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