52 pages 1-hour read

Wordslut: A Feminist Guide to Taking Back the English Language

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2019

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Chapters 3-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of sexism.

Chapter 3 Summary: “‘Mm-hmm, Girl, You’re Right’ How Women Talk to Each Other When Dudes Aren’t Around”

Danish professor Otto Jesperson published his book Language in 1922. In it he provides an overview of human speech, including a chapter dedicated to women and language. Relying on anecdotal evidence and literature, Jesperson argued that women expressed themselves differently from men; he believed that women’s speech was weaker, less rich in vocabulary and less articulate. Montell observes that Jesperson seemed to be biased against women and did not support his claims with any hard evidence.


Montell believes that women express themselves differently when in all-women groups. Linguist Jennifer Coates has coined the term “genderlects” to describe the specific ways that men and women speak when in same-sex groups. Coates argues that men’s conversations with other men tend to produce a dominant speaker and clear hierarchy, while women’s interactions are more cooperative. The stereotype is that women gossip about others more than men do, but Montell challenges this assumption by asserting that “locker-room banter” among men is simply a “manlier-sounding synonym for gossip” (88).


Coates identifies “hedging” as a verbal technique which women use to “negotiate sensitive topics” and soften their message (91). Hedging words include “well,” “you know,” “I mean,” and “sort of.” The author laments that women are discouraged from using hedging, as it is judged to be a submissive or uncertain way of speaking. Montell disagrees, as she feels that this is an example of conversational “prowess” (92) that helps women discuss sensitive topics without being brash.


While men tend to ask specific questions to seek answers, women’s questions often serve as invitations to other women to share their perspectives without positioning anyone as the authority or expert on the topic. Some linguists compare women’s speech patterns to jazz music, as women tend to speak more simultaneously, often peppering their conversations with “minimal responses” such as “yeah,” “right,” and “mm-mmh” to show they are actively listening (92). 


There are several theories for the differences between women’s and men’s communication in same-sex groups, with some pointing to biological and evolutionary differences while others favor socialization and cultural explanations. Montell discusses how women’s conversations with each other provide opportunities to bond with other women through vulnerable revelations. This can include negative feelings and opinions which might be considered anti-social or unfeminine, such as a group of female friends bonding over their shared opinion that their friends’ children are rude and annoying. Coates refers to this kind of secret-sharing as a “backstage performance,” and wonders whether such admissions help women maintain the front they feel they must put on, or if sharing their true feelings with their friends helps them become more authentic with others. 


The author concludes her chapter by reiterating that women’s speech habits such as saying “like,” hedging, vocal fry, and overlap, are often judged as submissive, stupid, or inarticulate, which Montell feels are “false and disparaging conclusions” (109).

Chapter 4 Summary: “Women Didn’t Ruin the English Language—They, Like, Invented It”

NPR radio host Bob Garfield lamented the rise of “vocal fry,” a linguistic phenomenon in which speakers close their vocal chords, creating a slight “creak” while they speak. In his show, Garfield attributed the rise of vocal fry to young women speakers, but Montell claims that this tendency is not unique to young women. 


Garfield’s criticisms are part of a larger trend in which journalists, corporations, and other commentators have made controversial statements about women’s speech. For instance, Time magazine ran a story claiming that “uptalk,” or raising one’s tone at the end of a sentence, made women speakers sound uncertain. Pantene, the shampoo brand, ran commercials encouraging women to not say “sorry” so often.


Such critiques are similar to linguist Robin Lakoff’s conclusions in the 1970s, in which she theorized that women have been socialized to behave submissively and that this explains their language habits. Lakoff claimed that, to attain equality with men, women should change their communication to mimic male speech and tone. To her, shedding feminine habits would give women a better chance of being taken seriously by their listeners. Montell feels that this is the wrong approach, and that women’s verbal habits should be appreciated for the purpose they serve in communication. For instance, some researchers hypothesize that vocal fry is a way to show dominance by lowering one’s voice, or to communicate boredom or dismissiveness, since vocal fry makes the vocal cords more relaxed.


Saying “like” is another oft-criticized verbal habit often attributed to women. Montell explains that using “like” as a filler word or discourse marker has become more common in the last few decades. She argues that using “like” in this way serves a purpose, as the speaker effectively communicates who was speaking in a conversation, or what their reaction was.


“Uptalk,” or raising one’s tone at the end of a sentence, is frequently judged as a feminine trait and sign of insecurity. The author clarifies that uptalk probably did not originate among young Californian women but may actually have been taken from Australian English, in which it is more common. However, Montell also points to linguistic studies that have shown women using uptalk to assert their authority, such as when sorority members tell their juniors what to do. Montell refers to another study in which uptalk was used by men in business meetings to “assert dominance” (123). Montell hypothesizes that, because the speakers were men, their uptalk was not considered a sign of insecurity.


Men and women use hedging (inserting words such as “you know” and “like”) about the same amount. Women tend to use “like” more than men, and Montell argues that this is because this hedge helps women communicate about sensitive and vulnerable topics, which men are less likely to discuss. Montell argues that the upset about women’s speech is entirely due to biased social judgments. 


Significantly, there is evidence that young female speakers tend to be more influential in language change than any other demographic. Montell points to international studies on women in Spain, southern Africa, and China to show how women have historically used language innovation to mitigate their own oppression. Montell believes that young American women’s speech is harshly judged simply because it is coming from women speakers, frightening or even angering people who feel threatened by these unfamiliar changes to the language. 


Montell concludes her chapter by urging the reader to feel comfortable with their own communication style and not be manipulated into feeling guilty about using certain verbal traits. She agrees with Deborah Cameron that women can resist sexism by maintaining their own voice, rather than changing it to suit older, male listeners.

Chapter 5 Summary: “How to Embarrass the Shit Out of People Who Try to Correct Your Grammar”

Montell claims that “good grammar” is ever-changing, just like language itself. What is more stagnant are grammatical gender categories. In romance languages, for example, nouns are generally categorized as either masculine or feminine. Montell argues that these categorizations can subconsciously affect how people perceive the world. For instance, if a language refers to “doctor” in a masculine form and “nurse” in a feminine form, this will perpetuate the perception that doctors are men and nurses are women. 


Confronting gendered grammar has been at the forefront of some countries’ feminist movements, such as France. While the English grammatical system does not have gendered words, there are still some entrenched gendered terms in the language. Other languages, such as Finnish and Korean, lack gender pronouns completely, while in Algonquin languages, speakers shift pronouns depending on the topic rather than the person they are referring to.


Historically, linguists have tried to explain the logic behind grammatical gender systems seen in languages like Italian. For instance, 19th-century German grammarian Jakob Grimm claimed that gendered languages assigned masculine terms for things that were creative, active, and firm, while feminine terms described things that were passive, quiet, and small. Montell refutes this notion, since gendered grammar for objects is often quite random. However, she agrees that when it comes to describing people, gendered grammar tends to be very intentional, and often sexist. She lists examples of sexist bias in romance languages to support her point.


Montell explores how languages around the world deal with the issue of gender, finding that it does not always play a prominent role in how languages are structured. Some languages, such as Ojibwa, categorize things based on whether they are animate or inanimate. Others, like Tamil, categorize nouns based on caste. Meanwhile, many languages not only use gendered nouns commonly, but refer to the male versions as the default. Montell observes, “Ultimately, language can serve as a rather blatant means of otherizing all things feminine” (149).


The author assesses how English has a tradition of assigning feminine pronouns to things like boats, cars, and storms, arguing that this tradition indirectly objectifies women. By referring to forces of nature and territories using feminine language, Montell believes that people are subconsciously categorizing women as wild things that need taming and conquest. For instance, she contrasts the concept of “Mother Nature” with a civilization’s “founding fathers” (150).


Feminists in France have tried to feminize aspects of the language by defying masculine grammar and inserting feminine terms instead. Meanwhile, in English, many people are making an effort to take previously masculine terms and turn them into gender-neutral terms, like changing “chairman” to “chairperson.” English also has terms which are feminized with “ette” or “ess” endings (e.g., “actress”); some find this belittling and otherizing, while others embrace it. 


Montell argues that women and non-binary people benefit when traditional grammar is critiqued and alternatives are invented: For example, when appropriate, people can use gender-neutral terms like “they” instead of “he” or “she.” Montell defends the use of “they” as a singular pronoun, pointing out that it is already used as such in different contexts, and she feels it is respectful to use it when people request it.


Montell ponders people’s intense opinions about grammar and grammar violations. She explains that having “proper” grammar is inherently intertwined with class. Beginning in the 15th century, as social mobility became more possible in British society, people have used grammar and speaking style in their effort to advance socially. Montell believes that “grammar snobs” feel superior to those with poor grammar, but points out that policing others’ grammar often weaponizes classist prejudices. By critiquing others’ grammar, grammar snobs are directing unfair judgments on people, just as some commentators have judged women for hedging and vocal fry. Montell argues that teaching people to have “linguistic flexibility” (166) and to understand language change should be as much of a priority as teaching the supposedly “proper” way of speaking and writing.

Chapters 3-5 Analysis

In these chapters, Montell deepens her exploration of The Politics of Language in her discussion about men’s and women’s conversational styles in same-sex groups. By framing men’s communication as more linear and hierarchical, while women’s is more cooperative and horizontal, the author casts men and women as opposites in communication. She suggests that men use language to gain information and understand their place in the power dynamic, while women tend to create more cooperative solidarity among other women speakers. As Montell explains, “Women’s intentions are to welcome each participant […] all-women discourse requires that no single participant position themselves as the dominant authority on the topic at hand, and the questions they use align with those requirements” (95-96). This discussion’s generalizations about women and men raises questions about how much women’s and men’s communication styles really differ, and if these differences are based in biology or broader cultural conditioning.


Montell also invokes The Relationship Between Language and Misogyny by exploring how commentators of all stripes have been critiquing women’s speech, while also questioning the nature of language advice often given to women. On the surface, commentators encouraging women to speak with confidence and authority (such as by eliminating hedging, for example) seem feminist. She acknowledges that even some linguists, such as Robin Lakoff, have urged women to embrace more “masculine” speech patterns, believing that “the use of hedges” reflects “hesitancy and lack of confidence” (89). Lakoff argued that, in jettisoning “feminine” verbal traits, women would also shed the submissive and inferior social role society traditionally assigns to women.


However, Montell maintains that by casting women’s speech patterns as submissive or weak, people are unfairly judging women’s self-expression and forcing them to change their natural dialects. Montell argues that such criticism of women’s verbal habits is not based on an objective evaluation of language and how it should be used, but is instead more of a judgment on women themselves. By explaining Lakoff’s point of view and how it is commonly echoed in pop culture today, Montell shows how pervasive this perspective is, presenting speech advice to women as one more self-improvement tool they are nagged to adopt. She explains, “If you’re a woman, you might have heard a teacher or parent offer similar criticisms at some point in an attempt to help you sound more ‘authoritative’ and ‘self-confident’ for a job interview or presentation” (89). These passages present speech criticism and advice as unwelcome and unnecessary intrusions into women’s self-expression, which are rooted in bias rather than linguistic expertise.


Montell also adds to her theme on The Nature of Semantic Change and Gendered Language in her discussion about gendered grammar. By discussing languages from around the world, Montell seeks to raise the reader’s awareness of how different cultures approach the issue of gender and categorize the world with words. This discussion shows that there are many ways to assign noun words to people, animals, and objects, and that languages do not even necessarily need to have gendered words to work. 


Many of Montell’s examples illustrate how sexist bias against women can become encoded in language. She points to romance languages such as French and Italian, which refer to certain titles and professions as being masculine or feminine, a practice which often associates women with inferior roles. For instance, in Italian “segretaria” (a feminine term) refers to a receptionist, while “segretario” (a masculine term) refers to a political secretary. 


Montell casts this gendered verbiage as problematic, writing, “Today, if a woman starts out as a segretaria in a government office and moves her way up to become a secretary to a politician, she would have to change the suffix of her title […] For her, moving up professionally would literally mean having to masculinize her own title” (145). Feminists’ intentional semantic changes, such as inventing feminine versions of words, aim to address this imbalance. Montell’s celebration of this inventive approach invites the reader to see semantic change as a necessary component of women’s liberation.

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