45 pages 1-hour read

Bag Man: The Wild Crimes, Audacious Cover-Up, and Spectacular Downfall of a Brazen Crook in the White House

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2020

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Chapter 3-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Just Being Careful”

George Beall, the 32-year-old U.S. Attorney for Baltimore and scion of a politically connected Maryland family, prioritizes rooting out political corruption in his home state. The 26 subpoenas issued by his team of attorneys immediately suggest a connection between quid pro quo kickback schemes and the Baltimore County executive’s office. What appears to be “garden variety” local corruption takes on larger significance, however, when Beall receives a phone call from Richard Kleindienst, the Attorney General of the United States. Kleindienst wants to know the status of the investigation because it has made Agnew “very nervous.” While Beall assures Kleindienst that Agnew is not implicated in the investigation, attorney Baker sees a possible connection. Agnew was Anderson’s predecessor as Baltimore County executive, a position “prosecutors were now discovering was a hive of corruption” (54). Despite Baker’s eagerness to “get Agnew,” the statute of limitations has expired on any possible crimes he may have committed while County executive. Beall’s team wonders why Agnew is still nervous about the investigation. They suspect he could still be accepting bribes six years later.


One of Beall’s 26 subpoenas is served to Lester Matz, a partner in a local engineering firm that has been awarded a disproportionate share of government contracts. Baker advises him to get a lawyer. IRS agents have identified a suspicious trend in the firm’s accounting practices in which bonuses are paid to employees who then withdraw that money in cash. Although this type of accounting scheme is often used to generate cash for bribes, Baker and his team still have to prove it. They question the employees who have received such bonuses, but most conveniently forget what they did with the money. When some witnesses plead the Fifth Amendment, which protects suspects from being forced to incriminate themselves, the attorneys make them an offer: The witnesses will be granted immunity from prosecution, but they must answer all questions or be held in contempt of court. The tactic works, and soon, Baker, Liebman, and Skolnik can sketch out the scheme for a grand jury: Bribe money in the form of “bonuses” is withdrawn in cash and paid to Anderson through the intermediary “bag man,” Fornoff. With a criminal case building against them, both Fornoff and Matz open tentative lines of communication. Matz’s lawyer, Joe Kaplan, refuses to cooperate with the investigation, implying that both Matz and his partner, John Childs, possess information with “national implications.” Eventually, however, Matz agrees to come clean. He has continued paying bribe money to Agnew all through his term as governor and even as Vice President. The matter is delicate, though. To prosecute a sitting vice president and lose would effectively ostracize the attorneys from the legal community. They have to tread carefully.

Chapter 4 Summary: “Otherwise Decent”

When Agnew takes charge of Baltimore County in 1962, he collaborates with Matz on a much more structured pay-for-play scheme with Matz calculating precise percentages of kickbacks on various engineering projects—about 5 percent per project. With a burgeoning suburbia requiring roads, bridges, and sewer lines, a good deal of money is at stake. By the time Agnew becomes governor, a typical annual payout for awarded contracts is $20,000 in cash, delivered by hand. The attorneys are stunned to learn that the payouts continue even after Agnew is elected vice president. Another engineering executive, Allen Green, confesses to paying out $30,000 to Agnew in his first term as vice president. As V.P., Agnew now continues his contracts-for-cash scheme at the federal level. Baker, Liebman, and Skolnik’s investigation uncovers the depth and breadth of Agnew’s corruption just as federal prosecutors are discovering the truth about Nixon’s involvement in Watergate. The top two executives in the United States government, it seems, are potential felons.

Chapter 5 Summary: “Oh My God”

In July of 1973, Beall and his team drive to Washington, D.C. to meet with the U.S. Attorney General, Elliot Richardson, to report their findings on Agnew. With Nixon also under investigation, Skolnik fears that Richardson will shut down their investigation—both the president and vice president facing criminal charges might be too much for the country to handle. Richardson, Nixon’s former Secretary of Defense, is shuttled to the Justice Department after Kleindienst is purged alongside Ehrlichman, Haldeman, and Dean. As Attorney General, Richardson finds himself squarely in the middle of the Watergate chaos and has little time for Beall’s other “emergency.” While Beall introduces his team and tries to lay out the evidence against Agnew, Richardson is twice summoned from the meeting, first by Nixon’s chief of staff Alexander Haig and then by Nixon himself. Nixon is irate because Richardson’s appointed special prosecutor, Archibald Cox, is investigating the president’s personal real estate deals. When the attorneys finally implicate Agnew, Richardson is interested, probing them about the strength of their case. Launching a criminal investigation of the combative Agnew will be akin to wrangling with a “cornered marmot.” Despite the potential pitfalls, Richardson instructs them to pursue their investigation, even collaborating with them to a degree. With so much on his plate, Richardson could have shelved the investigation, but he knows he is legally and morally obligated to get to the bottom of it. However, Richardson insists that the case against Agnew must be built in secret. If an indictment is forthcoming, it must come before he can “ascend to the presidency” (83).

Chapter 3-5 Analysis

As the depth and breadth of Agnew’s crimes emerge, it becomes apparent that Agnew—along with Anderson and much of Baltimore County’s government—has gotten so comfortable with the influx of cash and his years of impunity, that he believes his relatively pedestrian scheme is above detection. What the prosecutors find with some rudimentary deduction, however, is a paper trail and list of witnesses long enough to build a substantial case against the vice president. Agnew’s carelessness suggests that his addiction to the white envelopes of cash clouds all judgment. That he continues accepting extortion money well into his tenure as vice president reflects a brash sense of entitlement that he is above the law. The hypocrisy is that he is breaking the law all while being an integral part of Nixon’s “law and order” legislative policy platform. A clear disconnect exists between his rhetoric and his deeds, exposing an implicit racism. Crime, to Agnew, is aggrieved Black residents engaged in sometimes violent protests for equality. By contrast, he believes a politician taking bribes is just business as usual. Agnew’s conception of crime happens in underfunded urban neighborhoods, not in fancy offices between well-dressed professionals. In fact, Agnew, Nixon’s point man on urban affairs, once claimed, “If you’ve seen one slum, you’ve seen them all” (“Spiro T. Agnew, Ex-Vice President, Dies at 77,” New York Times. September 18, 1996). He condescends toward Black leaders, who he claims cannot “control” their communities in the aftermath of the assassination of one of their most important and beloved icons. Yet Agnew simultaneously extorts local businesses for personal profit.


A striking similarity between past and present is the absolute necessity of dedicated civil servants who do their sworn duty without bowing to political pressure. Beall and his team of investigators know that, in Agnew, they have a “tiger by the tail” (62), but they are undeterred. They have an unlikely ally in Elliot Richardson, another hero of the story who, despite being Nixon’s hand-picked attorney general, elects to pursue the case against Agnew—while simultaneously investigating Nixon, a legal one-two punch unprecedented in recent U.S. history. Beall, Richardson, Skolnik, Liebman, and Baker are the 1970s equivalent of officials like Georgia Secretary of State, Speaker of the Arizona House, and various poll workers, who in 2020 stood up to intimidation and faithfully executed their duties despite vociferous and unproven allegations of election fraud. The common theme between these events separated by half a century is moral courage in the face of powerful opposition. The consequences of indicting both a president and a vice president are not lost on Beall and his team, nor on Richardson. But all of these civil servants recognize their higher duty to a country and the principles of its founding document which supersede the power and prestige of any single person or office.

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