Bag Man: The Wild Crimes, Audacious Cover-Up, and Spectacular Downfall of a Brazen Crook in the White House

Despite their attempts to keep the investigation secret, Wall Street Journal reporter Jerry Landauer finds out and calls Beall’s office for comment. No longer able to conduct their work secretly, Beall’s office scrambles to tighten security to prevent further leaks to the press. As the case begins to heat up, Agnew calls a press conference claiming the charges are “damned lies.” He vows not to obstruct the investigation and says he has Nixon’s full support. His attacks on the Baltimore attorney’s office pay off; thousands of letters of support pour in, beseeching Agnew to “give hell” to the media and the liberals. Republicans on Capitol Hill also offer support, suggesting Agnew is a victim of a nefarious conspiracy to take down both him and Nixon.

Weeks later, Time magazine publishes a story suggesting that an indictment is imminent. Agnew is irate and sends an angry letter to Richardson’s office demanding that he investigate the leaks and punish those responsible. Feeling pressure from both Agnew and Nixon, Richardson orders an internal investigation—using his own personnel as well as the FBI—to uncover the source of the leaks.

Skolnik, Baker, and Liebman all sign affidavits swearing they have not leaked information to the press, but their investigation has involved “a gazillion witnesses and all their defense lawyers and everyone those witnesses and their lawyers had talked to about the case” (111). Therefore, it is highly unlikely that the leak has come from inside the Justice Department. The three prosecutors understand that this focus on leaks is merely a diversion, and they are determined not to be distracted. What they do not know, however, is that Agnew is using the power of his office to covertly obstruct their investigation. They will never learn the true scope of Agnew’s efforts for decades.

In public, Agnew continues to assert that he will not interfere in the investigation, but behind the scenes, “he began taking action, almost immediately, to shut it down” (113). According to recorded conversations and meticulous notes taken by Nixon’s Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman, Agnew plans to use Beall’s brother Glenn, a Republican senator from Maryland, to convince George not to question Wolfe, one of the most potentially damning witnesses against the vice president. While Haldeman refuses to cooperate with Agnew’s scheme, he nonetheless turns the matter over to John Ehrlichman who brings it to Nixon’s attention. Records show detailed discussions within the White House about how to handle the scandal, with Nixon even wondering, “Well, can we destroy him [Matz]?” (120). Ultimately, they decide that pressuring Glenn Beall to influence his brother is the best course of action. Since they campaigned for him three years prior, they reason, he owes them a favor.

After shuffling through a list of candidates to talk to Glenn Beall, Nixon’s new Chief-of-Staff, Alexander Haig, taps the chairman of the Republican National Committee, George H.W. Bush, for the job. Bush, who would go on to become the 41st president of the United States, willingly participates in the scheme, but it never comes back to haunt him politically. Agnew lobbies Senator Beall personally, but for all their efforts, the White House’s intimidation never reaches Skolnik, Baker, and Liebman. They are shielded by their boss who never once mentions the pressure campaign: “George Beall took the heat, all of it, and refused to stop” (132).